to pardon, it appears to me that he had better not make a sad exception against half a dozen, or half a hundred culpables, in a crime, of which nearly his whole nation might be convicted, namely of having joined in the revolution, by which they expected to attain, not the personal benefits of the new monarch, for those could allure and reach but a small number of individuals, but a real national representation, a division of power, the responsibility of ministers, the freedom of the press, the liberty of conscience, and the practical results of those political institutions, which they conceived the restored dynasty would dare to destroy openly or secretly contrive to counteract. The soldiers differed from the nation at large only inasmuch as they were called, and qualified by their habits of life, to be the foremost champions of the cause, in which all their fellow countrymen were equally interested and engaged with themselves. They represented the power of the nation to defend its inclinations, just as the members of the institute would be the arm employed to uphold their

in all times, for unsuccessful patriots. The condemnation of Lavalette for writing a letter on the 20th of March, to prevent the possibility of any blood being spilt, is to me a more decided proof of the absence of all proof of a conspiracy than his acquital would have been.

This

pretensions in literature and the arts. right-hand of France has offended the Bourbons sorely, and willingly would they cut it off; they are the hearty associates of the crime for which the Labédoyères and the Neys may fall, and they would likewise fall, but "defendit numerus." His majesty has accepted, it may be presumed, the unconditional submission, brought by the Generals Gerard, Haxo, and Valmy; but it will be necessary that this acceptance should be followed up by measures of the utmost lenience, or rather of compliance with the feelings of the armed portion of the people; each individual of which must go through a long course of favour before he forgets that the hand, now employed to soothe him, was that which tore from him all the trophies of his glory and his gain.

It seems, however, that the allies, in search of their reasonable guarantees, and finding the perverse disposition of subjugated France, demand certain sacrifices of Louis, in return for the throne which they have recovered, and which by those sacrifices alone they pretend is to be secured. At a meeting of the king's ministers, and those of the allied sovereigns, the latter demanded what security could be given, by the cabinet of the Tuileries, against the three fol lowing obstacles to the peace of Europe. 1. Na

poleon Buonaparte. 2. The French army. 3. The French Jacobins. It is pretended that M. de Talleyrand answered, "as for the first, that "obstacle is now a prisoner in England; we "have nothing to do with a guarantee now "in your own hands. The army shall be en"tirely dissolved, which we hope will be consi"dered satisfactory, for we can do no more. "The Jacobins, by which we suppose are meant "those distinguished by their opposition to the

present family; those, to be sure, it is not so

easy to take measures against, when it is con"sidered how large a portion they are of all "France." Here the other party asserted, that there might be means of putting the most noxious and prominent out of action, hors de combat. There was sufficient excuse for punishment; and deportation, as well as death, had often been tried before in France. Still the French ministers retorted the difficulty of designating and selecting the persons to be punished, out of so vast a multitude; but a list was at last made out of 200, it is said, marked for a greater or less degree of punishment; which number was reduced, at the instance of Fouché, to about 130. It is added, that the Duke of Otranto avowed, that if blood was to be spilt, he would retire to Siberia rather than retain 'his au

thority. The allied sovereigns, it is asserted, are determined upon making some examples of the danger of attempting to set aside a dethroned dynasty for a more popular prince; and to visit with the last vengeance the crime of having submitted to that man, at whose feet every one of them, by turns, and all together, gave the most convincing proof of the necessity of yielding to circumstances, and of the pride that can lick the dust shaken from the shoes of a conqueror.

The magnanimous Alexander is not so magnanimous as he was last year; he finds the folly of throwing away his favours upon a people insensible of the benefits of being beaten, and the advantages of a Cossack conquest. Whether the Bourbons are playing off the allies against their own ministry, in order to take the odium of revenge from themselves, or whether they are inclined really to reconcile themselves to their subjects, their future conduct will show; but at present they allow the agents of the liberators of Europe to be the ministers of severity. The Princess Hortense received, a day or two ago, an order from Muffling to quit Paris within the twenty-four hours, and to retire from France with all convenient speed: on the other hand, some measures of the same nature have been

undertaken by the government; and sentences of banishment, signed by M. Talleyrand, have been transmitted to some of his ancient associates and commensals, If this treatment be considered a mitigation of punishment, it may be defended; but, in any other point of view, seems a strange beginning for a constitutional reign*.

The certain guarantee of the intentions of Louis to act up to his declaration, and the spirit

* The list of proscription did appear at last, dated the 24th of July, and from observing the contrivance of designating those for the severer correction who were mostly out of reach, and from seeing also the neglect of carrying the decrée into execution as to the banished, many of whom, as before related, were seen walking unmolested about Paris long after its appearance, I feel inclined to think, that M. Fouché agreed to such a proscription only in compliance with the demands of the allies, and with a determination to save his king and his country from the inevitable consequences which must have ensued from the actual adoption of such a measure. This good opinion of him, entertained by the constitutionalists, was a little staggered by the execution of Labédoyère, (which, however, military discipline might seem to demand;) and when it was found that a re-action seemed determined upon, and no stop was put to the violence of the royalists in the departments, he was given up altogether. His resignation has canonised him; it has restored him, I hear, in great part, to the esteem of his countrymen, as it has decided the fate of the Bourbons, who cannot stand upon the opposite system of vengeance and punishment. They cannot