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since that period, been circulated, very unjustly I believe, by the personal friends of the Emperor. The messages from the chamber of representatives announced their several declarations, which were approved by the peers, but not entirely without opposition, for Count La Bédoyère protested vehemently against the new executive government, as an infringement upon the right of Napoleon the Second, for whom alone his father had abdicated. The house adjourned from five to half past nine, when the president informed the peers that he had waited on the Emperor with the acceptance of the abdication, and that his majesty had answered, that he received with pleasure their sentiments; but had added, "I re"peat that which I have said to the president of the chamber of representatives, I have abdi"cated only for my son." Immediately on hearing this, Prince Lucien, in an animated speech, in which he asserted that the chief of a constitutional monarchy never dies, exclaimed, "L'Empereur est mort, vive l'Empereur! l'Empereur a abdiqué, vive l'Empereur!" and ended with proposing an oath of fidelity to Napoleon the Second, of which he gave the first example himself at the moment. The proposal was applauded by many; but M. de Pontécoulant objected decisively to the measure, telling the mover that he was a Roman prince, not a Frenchman; and that hehim

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self would never vote for a captive monarch, an infant, the choice of whom might shut the door against all negotiation. Prince Lucien replied with no less acrimony; and Count Boissy endeavoured to close the discussion by deferring the question, and by advising first to stop the progress of the foreign armies, but not to deprive themselves of any means of treating by a premature decision. Count La Bédoyère here rose and furiously exclaimed, that, if the peers and representatives did not proclaim Napoleon the Second, the abdication was null, and would be proved so by that sword which Napoleon, surrounded by his faithful soldiers, would then resolve to draw.

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"Let him," he added, “ be deserted by the vile "generals who have already betrayed him, The Emperor owes himself to the nation. Abandon"ed the first time, shall we quit him in his se "cond disaster; we, who have sworn to defend him " even in his misfortune? If, however, it shall be

declared, that every Frenchman who quits his "colours shall be covered with infamy, his house "rased, his family proscribed, we shall then hear "no more oftraitors, no more of those manœuvres "that have occasioned our latter catastrophes, of which some of the authors, perhaps, have seats "in this assembly." A cry of order interrupted him but he continued, "Listen to me. "" I

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"will not listen to you," said the Count of Valence; "retract what you have said." "I do not "address myself to you, count," replied the other, and continued his declamation with such vehemence against traitors and treason, that Marshal Massena reminded him of his intemperance. He was told, "Young man, you forget yourself -you are not at the Corps de Garde." Notwithstanding, however, that the president calmed the tumult, the peers were on the point of declaring themselves in opposition to the chamber. of representatives, which might have caused the re-assumption of the sceptre by Napoleon, and a civil war: for Count Segur said, "that he had "hoped the question might be deferred until the "negotiation had been opened, but as the seal

had been torn away, the naked truth must be "exposed; there could be no temporising; Na

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poleon had declared to the president that his "abdication was null and void if his son was not "proclaimed." The president reminded him that Napoleon had said, only, that the abdication was in favour of his son, But M. de Segur continued his speech, and ended by proposing, that the provisional government should take the title of regency. Prince Lucien, Prince Joseph, the Duke of Bassano, Count Roederer, supported this motion, as well as the oath proposed by Prince Lu

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cien; but the Counts Lameth and Cornudet posed it, which induced Count Segur at once to move an adjournment, on the ground that the provisional government, proposed by the representatives, was in opposition to the constitution. This opinion would have been followed, if Counts Thibaudeau and Pontécoulant had not insisted on the necessity of not leaving Paris and France without a government for the mere dispute of a word, and for the sake of discussing a premature question. Count Flahaut continued to remind them of the rights of Napoleon the Second, when Count Decrés exclaimed with vehemence, "Is "this the moment to occupy ourselves about in"dividuals? Let our country be the first consi“deration-it is in danger: let us not lose a "moment in taking the measures which its safety

requires. Idemand the close of this discussion." This appeal was triumphant. The president put the last question, which was carried; as also were the nomination of two members of the executive commission, and the adjournment of Prince Lucien's proposal until the next day. The chamber then proceeded to choose the two members. There were at first 70 peers present; of these the Duke of Vicenza obtained 59 votes, and was consequently elected. At the second scrutiny, out of 68 voices, Baron Quinette

gained 48, and was named the fifth member of the commission. The peers separated at half past two in the morning. This is the place for observing, that, although Count Cornudet and his party were right in employing such a phrase, yet nothing could be less a dispute about terms, than whether the commission of government should be called a regency or not. These These gen. tlemen must have been fully aware that the establishment of Napoleon's dynasty was put to the most dangerous risk, by their refraining to adopt the proposition of Count Segur; or rather, I may say, that they compromised the claims of that family, and were resolved to do so rather than bind themselves to the support of a prince whose recognition might embarrass their negotiations with the enemy, and might sacrifice their existence and dignity by proving eventually untenable. M. de Pontécoulant had the frankness to acknowledge this motive, and to declare that he thought the choice of the French should be regulated by the conditions which they might be able to obtain from the allies; and I believe that M. de Segur would have been really glad, as he averred, to have delayed the agitation of the question until the will of the conquerors became known. The supporters of the executive commission knew that when a go

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