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FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

ident does not see that any good purpose can be and have, in their manifestoes and declarations, answered by reopening the inquiry into the pro- denounced the popular ideas or the age in terms priety of the steps taken by President Taylor, to so comprehensive as of necessity to include the ascertain the probable issue of the late civil war in United States, and their forms of government. It Hungary, justice to his memory requires the un-is well known that one of the leading principles dersigned briefly to restate the history of those announced by the allied sovereigns, after the ressteps, and to show their consistency with the neu-toration of the Bourbons, is, that all popular or tral policy which has invariably guided the Gov-constitutional rights are holden no otherwise than ernment of the United States in its foreign rela- as grants and indulgences from crowned heads. tions, as well as with the established and well-set-" Useful and necessary changes in legislation and tled principles of national intercourse, and the doc-administration," says the Laybach Circular of trines of public law. May, 1821, "ought only to emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction of those whom God bas rendered responsible for power; all that deviates from this line necessarily leads to disorder, commotions, and evils, far more insufferable than those which they pretend to remedy." And his Francis I, is reported to

The undersigned will first observe that the President is persuaded, his majesty the Emperor of Austria. does not think that the Government of the United States ought to view, with unconcern, the extraordinary events which have occurred, not on

ly in his dominions, but ir. many other parts of late Austrian ma address to the Hungarian Diet,

Europe, since February, 1848. The Government have declared in an a and people of the United States, like other intelli-in 1820, that "the whole world had become foolish, gent governments and communities, take a lively and, leaving their ancient laws, was in search of interest in the movements and events of this re-imaginary constitutions." These declarations markable age, in whatever part of the world, they amount to nothing less than a denial of the lawful may be exhibited. But the interest taken by the ness of the origin of the Government of the United United States in those events, has not proceeded States, since it is certain that that Government was from any disposition to depart from that neutrality established in consequence of a change which did toward foreign Powers, which is among the deep-not proceed from thrones, or the permission of est principles and the most cherished traditions of crowned heads. But the Government of the Unithe political history of the Union. It has been the ted States heard these denunciations of its fundanecessary effect of the unexampled character of the mental principles without remonstrance, or the disevents themselves, which could not fail to arrest turbance of its equanimity. This was thirty years the attention of the cotemporary world; as they ago. will doubtless fill a memorable page in history. The power of this Republic, at the present moBut the undersigned goes further, and freely ad- ment, is spread over a region, one of the richest and mits that in proportion as these extraordinary most fertile on the globe, and of an extent in comevents appeared to have their origin in those great parison with which the possessions of the House of ideas of responsible and popular governmenta, on Hapsburg are but as a patch on the earth's surface. which the American Constitutions themselves are Its population, already twenty-five millions, will wholly founded, they could not but command the exceed that of the Austrian empire within the pewarm sympathy of the people of this country. riod during which it may be hoped that Mr. HülseWell-known circumstances in their history, in- mann may yet remain in the honorable discharge deed their whole history, have made them the rep-of his duties to his Government. Its navigation resentatives of purely popular principles of gov- and commerce are hardly exceeded by the oldest ernment. In this light they now stand before the and most commercial nations; its maritime means world. They could not, if they would, conceal and its maritime power may be seen by Austria their character, their condition, or their destiny. herself, in all seas where she has ports, as well as They could not, if they so desired, shut out from it may be seen, also, in all other quarters of the the view of mankind the causes which have placed globe. Life, liberty, property, and all personal them, in so short a national career, in the station rights, are amply secured to all citizens, and prowhich they now hold among the civilized States tected by just and stable laws; and credit, public of the world. They could not, if they desired it, and private, is as well established as in any gov suppress either the thoughts or the hopes which ernment of Continental Europe. And the country, arise in men's minds, in other countries, from con- in all its interests and concerns, partakes most largetemplating their successful example of free gov-ly in all the improvements and progress which disernment. That very intelligent and distinguished tinguish the age. Certainly, the United States may personage, the Emperor Joseph the Second, was be pardoned, even by those who profess adherence among the first to discern this necessary conse-to the principles of absolute governments, if they quence of the American Revolution on the senti- entertain an ardent affection for those popular ments and opinions of the people of Europe. In forms of political organization which have so rapa letter to his Minister in the Netherlands, in 1787, idly advanced their own prosperity and happiness, he observes that "it is remarkable that France, by which enabled them, in so short a period, to bring the assistance which she afforded to the Ameri- their country and the hemisphere to which it be cans, gave birth to reflections on freedom." This longs, to the notice and respectful regard, not to fact, which the sagacity of that monarch perceived say the admiration, of the civilized world. Nev. at so early a day, is now known and admitted by ertheless, the United States have abstained, at all intelligent Powers all over the world. True, in- times, from acts of interference with the political deed, It is, that the prevalence on the other conti- changes of Europe. They can not, however, fail nent of sentiments favorable to republican Hiberty, to cherish always a lively interest in the fortunes is the result of the reaction of America upon Eu- of nations struggling for institutions like their own rope; and the source and centre of this reaction has But this sympathy, so far from being necessarily doubtless been, and now is, in these United States. a hostile feeling toward any of the parties to these The position thus belonging to the United States great national struggles, is quite consistent with is a fact as inseparable from their history, their amicable relations with them all. The Hungarian constitutional organization, and their character, as people are three or four times as numerous as the the opposite position of the Powers composing the inhabitants of these United States were when the European alliance, is from the history and consti- American Revolution broke out. They possess, in tutional organization of the Government of those a distinct language, and in other respects, imporPowers. The sovereigns who form that alliance tant elements of a separate nationality, which have not unfrequently felt it their right to interfere the Anglo-Saxon race in this country did not pos with the political movements of foreign States; sess; and if the United States wish success to

WHIG ALMANAC, 1852.

countries contending for popular constitutions and recognise the existence of that Government. In national independence, it is only because they re- these applications, and in the manner in which gard such constitutions and such national indepen-they were viewed by the President, there was dence, not as imaginary, but as real blessings. nothing unusual; still less was there anything unThey claim no right. however, to take part in the authorized by the law of nations. It is the right struggles of foreign Powers in order to promote of every independent State to enter into friendly these ends. It is only in defense of his own Gov-relations with every other independent State. Of ernment, and its principles and character, that the course, questions of prudence naturally arise in undersigned has now expressed himself on this reference to new States, brought by successful revsubject. But when the United States behold the olutions into the family of nations; but it is not to people of foreign countries without any such in-be required of neutral Powers that they should terference, spontaneously moving toward the adop-await the recognition of the new Government by tion of institutions like their own, it surely can not the parent State. No principle of public law has be expected of them to remain wholly indifferent been more frequently acted upou, within the last spectators. thirty years, by the great Powers of the world In regard to the recent very important occur- than this. Within that period eight or ten new rences in the Austrian empire, the undersigned States have established independent Governments freely admits the difficulty which exists in this within the limits of the colonial dominions of country, and is alluded to by Mr. Hülsemann, of Spain, on this continent; and in Europe the same obtaining accurate information. But this difficulty thing has been done by Belgium and Greece. The is by no means to be ascribed to what Mr. Hülse-existence of all these Governments was recognised mann calls-with little justice, as it seems to the by some of the leading Powers of Europe, as well undersigned-"the mendacious rumors propaga- as by the United States, before it was acknowl ted by the American press." For information on edged by the States from which they had separathis subject, and others of the same kind, the Amer-ed themselves. If, therefore, the United States ican press is, of necessity, almost wholly depen-had gone so far as formally to acknowledge the indent upon that of Europe; and if “ mendacious dependence of Hungary, although, as the result rumors respecting Austrian and Hungarian af has proved, it would have been a precipitate step, fairs have been anywhere propagated, that propa- and one from which no benefit would have regation of falsehoods has been most prolific on the sulted to either party, it would not, nevertheless, European continent, and in countries immediately have been an act against the law of nations, provi bordering on the Austrian empire. But, wherever ded they took no part in her contest with Austria. these errors may have originated, they certainly But the United States did no such thing. Not justified the late President in seeking true infor- only did they not yield to Hungary any actual counmation through authentic channels. His attention tenance or seccor, not only did they not show their was first particularly drawn to the state of things ships-of-war in the Adriatic with any menacing or in Hungary, by the correspondence of Mr. Stiles, hostile aspect, but they studiously abstained from Chargé d'Affaires of the United States at Vienna. everything which had not been done in other cases In the autumn of 1848, an application was made to in times past, and contented themselves with instithis gentleman, on behalf of Mr. Kossuth, former- tuting an inquiry into the truth and reality of ally minister of finance for the kingdom of Hungary leged political occurrences. Mr. Hülsemann inby Imperial appointment, but at the time the up correctly states, unintentionally certainly, the naplication was made, chief of the Revolutionary ture of the mission of this agent, when he says Government. The object of this application was that "a United States agent had been dispatched to obtain the good offices of Mr. Stiles with the to Vienna with orders to watch for a favorable moImperial Government, with a view to the sus- ment to recognise the Hungarian republic, and to pension of hostilities. This application became conclude a treaty of commerce with the same." the subject of a conference between Prince This, indeed, would have been a lawful object, but Schwarzenberg, the Imperial minister for Foreign Mr. Mann's errand was, in the first instance, pureAffairs, and Mr. Stiles. The Prince commendedly one of inquiry. He had no power to act, unless the considerateness and propriety with which Mr. he had first come to the conviction that a firm and Stiles had acted; and, so far from disapproving stable Hungarian Government existed. "The his interference, advised him, in case he received principal object the President has in view," aca further communication from the Revolutionary cording to his instructions, "is to obtain minute Government in Hungary, to have an interview and reliable information in regard to Hungary in with Prince Windischigratz, who was charged by connection with the affairs of adjoining countries, the Emperor with the proceedings determined on the probable issue of the present revolutionary in relation to that kingdom. A week after these movements, and the chances we may have of formoccurrences, Mr. Stiles received through a secret ing commercial arrangements with that Power channel, a communication signed by L. Kossuth, favorable to the United States." Again, in the president of the committee of defense, and coun- same paper, it is said: "The object of the Presi tersigned by Francis Pulsky, secretary of state. dent is to obtain information in regard to Ilungary, On the receipt of this communication, Mr. Stiles and her resources and prospects, with a view to had an interview with Prince Windischgratz, an early recognition of her independence, and the "who received him with the utmost kindness, and formation of commercial relations with her." thanked him for his efforts toward reconciling the was only in the event that the new Government existing difficulties." Such were the jucidents should appear, in the opinion of the agent, to be which firat drew the attention of the Government firm and stable, that the President proposed to recof the United States particularly to the affairs of ommend its recognition. Hungary, and the conduct of Mr. Stiles, though acting without instructions in a matter of much delicacy, having been viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial Government, was approved by that of the Unidet States.

In the cours of the year 1848, and in the early part of 1849 a considerable number of Hungarians came to the United States. Among them were iudividuals representing themselves to be in the confidence of the Revolutionary Government, and by these persons the President was strongly urged to

It

Mr. Hülsemann, in qualifying these steps of Preeident Taylor with the epithet of "hostile," seems to take for granted that the inquiry could, in the expectation of the President, have bat one result, and that favorable to Hungary. If this were 80, it would not change the case. But the American government sought for nothing but truth; it desired to learn the facts through a reliable channel. It so happened, in the chances and vicissitudes of human affairs, that the result was adverse to the Hungarian revolution. The American agent, as was

FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.

stated in his instructions to be not unlikely, found | civilized States. With respect to the communicathe condition of Hungarian affairs less prosperous tion of Mr. Mann's instructions to the Senate, and than it had been, or had been believed to be. He the language in which they are couched, it has did not enter Hungary, nor hold any direct com- already been said, and Mr. Hülsemann must feel munication with her revolutionary leaders. He the justice of the remark, that these are domestic reported against the recognition of her indepen-affairs, in reference to which the Government of the dence, because he found she had been unable to United States can not admit the slightest responsi set up a firm and stable government. He carefully bility to the Government of his Imperial Majesty. forbore, as his instructions required, to give pub- No State, deserving the appellation of independent, licity to his mission, and the undersigned supposes can permit the language in which it may instruct that the Austrian Government first learned its ex- its own officers in the discharge of their duties to istence from the communications of the President itself to be called in question under any pretext by to the Senate. a foreign Power. But, even if this were not so, Mr. Hülsemann will observe front this statement M. Hülsemann is in an error in stating that the that Mr. Mann's mission was wholly unobjection- Austrian Government is called an "Iron Rule" in able, and strictly within the rule of the law of na- Mr. Mann's instructions. That phrase is not found tions, and the duty of the United States as a neutral in the paper; and in respect to the honorary epiPower. He will accordingly feel how little foun- thet bestowed in Mr. Maun's instructions on the dation there is for his remark, that "those who did late chief of the Revolutionary Government of not hesitate to assume the responsibility of sending Hungary, Mr. Hülsemann will bear in mind that Mr. Dudley Mann on such an errand, should, inde- the Government of the United States can not justly pendent of considerations of propriety, have borne be expected, in a confidential communication to its in mind that they were exposing their emissary to own agent to withhold from an individual an epibe treated as a spy." A spy is a person sent by one thet of distinction of which a great part of the world belligerent to gain secret information of the forces thinks him worthy, merely on the ground that his and defenses of the other, to be used for hostile own Government regards him as a rebel. At an purposes. According to practice, he may use de- early stage of the American Revolution, while ception, under the penalty of being lawfully hanged Washington was considered by the English Govif detected. To give this odious name and charac-ernment as a rebel chief, he was regarded on the ter to a confidential agent of a neutral Power, bear-continent of Europe as an illustrious hero. But ing the commission of his country, and sent for a the undersigned will take the liberty of bringing purpose fully warranted by the law of nations, is the Cabinet of Vienna into the presence of its own not only to abuse language, but also to confound predecessors, and of citing for its consideration the all just ideas, and to announce the wildest and most conduct of the Imperial Government itself. In the extravagant notions, such as certainly were not to year 1777, the war of the American Revolution was have been expected in a grave, diplomatic paper; raging all over these United States; England was and the President directs the undersigned to say prosecuting that war with a most resolute deterto Mr. Hülsemann, that the American Government mination, and by the exertion of all her military would regard such an imputation upon it by the Cab-means to the fullest extent. Germany was at that inet of Austria, as that it employs spies, and that in time at peace with England; and yet an agent of n quarrel none of its own, as distinctly offensive, if that Congress, which was looked upon by England it did not presume, as it is willing to presume, that in no other light than that of a body in open rebelthe word used in the original German was not of lion, was not only received with great respect by equivalent meaning with "spy" in the English lan- the embassador of the Empress Queen at Paris, guage, or that in some other way the employment and by the minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, of such an opprobious term may be explained. who afterward mounted the imperial throne, but Had the Imperial Government of Austria subjected resided in Vienna for a considerable time; not, inMr. Mann to the treatment of a spy, it would have deed, officiously acknowledged, but treated with placed itself without the pale of civilized nations; courtesy and respect; and the Emperor suffered and the Cabinet of Vienna may be assured that if himself to be persuaded by that agent to exert himit had carried, or attempted to carry, any such law-self to prevent the German Powers from furnishless purpose into effect, in the case of an author-ing troops to England to enable her to suppress the ized agent of this Government, the spirit of the rebellion in America. Neither Mr. Hülsemann, people of this country would have demanded immediate hostilities to be waged by the utmost exertion of the power of the Republic, military and

naval.

nor the Cabinet of Vienna, it is presumed, will undertake to say that anything said or done by this Government in regard to the recent war between Austris and Hungary is not borne out, and much Mr. Hillsemann proceeds to remark that "this more than borne out, by this example of the Impe extremely painful incident, therefore, might have rial Court. It is believed that the Emperor Joseph been passed over, without any written evidence the Second. habitually spoke in terms of respect being left on our part in the archives of the United and admiration of the character of Washington, States had not General Taylor thought proper to as he is known to have done of that of Franklin; revive the whole subject, by communicating to the Senate, in his message of the 18th [28th] of last March, the instructions with which Mr. Mann had been furnished on the occasion of his mission to Vienna. The publicity which has been given to that document has placed the Imperial Government under the necessity of entering & formal pro test, through its official representative, against the proceedings of the American Government, lest that Government should construe our silence into approbation, or toleration even, of the principles which appear to have guided its action and the means it has adopted." The undersigned reasserte to Mr. Hülsemann, and to the Cabinet of Vienna, and in the presence of the world, that the steps taken by President Taylor, now protested against by the Austrian Government, were warranted by the law of nations and agreeable to the usages of

and he deemed it no infraction of neutrality to inform himself of the progress of the Revolutionary struggle in America, nor to express his deep sense of the merits and the talents of those illustrious men who were then leading their country to independence and renown. The undersigned may add, that in 1781, the courts of Russia and Austria proposed a diplomatic Congress of the belligerent Powers, to which the commissioners of the United States should be admitted.

Mr. Hülsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann's instructions, improper expressions are introduced in regard to Russia; but the undersigned has no reason to suppose that Russia herself is of that opinion. The only observation made in those instructions about Russia is, that she has chosen to assume an attitude of interference, and her im mense preparations for invading and reducing the

would not fail to affect the commerce and industry of the two hemispheres." As to this possible fortune, this hypothetical retaliation, the Government and people of the United States are quite willing to take their chances and abide their destiny. Taking neither a direct nor an indirect part in the dohave no fear of events of the nature alluded to by Mr. Hülsemann. It would be idle now to discuss with Mr. Hülsemann those acts of retaliation which he imagines may possibly take place at some indefinite time hereafter. Those questions will be discussed when they arise; and Mr. Hülsemann and the Cabinet at Vienna may rest assured that, in the meantime, while performing with strict and exact fidelity all their neutral duties, nothing will deter either the Government or the people of the United States from exercising, at their own discretion, the rights belonging to them as an independent nation, and of forming and expressing their own opinions, freely and at all times, upon the great political events which may transpire among the civilized nations of the earth. Their own institutions stand upon the broadest principles of civil liberty; and believing those principles and the fundamental laws in which they are embodied to be eminently favorable to the prosperity of States-to be, in fact, the only principles of government which meet the demands of the present enlightened age-the President has perceived, with great satisfaction, that, in the Constitution recently introduced into the Austrian Empire, many of these great principles are recognized and applied, and he cherishes a sincere wish that they may proToward the conclusion of his note Mr. Hülse-duce the same happy effects throughout his Ausmann remarks that "if the Government of the Uni-trian Majesty's extensive dominions that they have ted States were to think it proper to take an indi- done in the United States. rect part in the political movements of Europe, American policy would be exposed to acts of retaliation, and to certain inconveniences which

Hungarians to the rule of Austria, from which they desire to be released, gave so serious a character to the contest as to awaken the most painful solicitude in the minds of Americans." The undersigned can not but consider the Austrian Cabinet as usne cessarily susceptible in looking upon language like this as a "hostile demonstration." If we remem-mestic or intestine movements of Europe, they ber that it was addressed by the Government to its own agent, and has received publicity only through a communication from one Department of the American Government to another, the language quoted must be deemed moderate and inoffensive. The comity of nations would hardly forbid its being addressed to the two Imperial Powers themselves. It is scarcely necessary for the undersigned to say, that the relations of the United States with Russia have always been of the most friendly kind, and have never been deemed by either party to require any compromise of their peculiar views upon subjects of domestic or foreign polity, or the true origin of Governments. At any rate, the fact that Austria, in her contest with Hungary, had an intimate and faithful ally in Russia, can not alter the real nature of the question between Austria and Hungary, nor in any way affect the neutral rights and duties of the Government of the United States, or the justifiable sympathies of the American people. It is, indeed, easy to conceive, that favor toward struggling Hungary would not be diminished, but increased, when it was seen that the arm of Austria was strengthened and upheld by a Power whose assistance threatened to be, and which in the end proved to be, overwhelming ly destructive of all her hopes.

The undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr.
Hülsemann the assurance of his high considera-
tion.
DANIEL WEBSTER.

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The aggregate of the average yearly expenditures | $102,572,973. The increase of expense in this single of the German Governments, before the revolution department for the past three to five years has been of March, 1848, was $174,097,908; since that revolution it has been $246,862,849. These expenditures were rising before the revolution; and, taking the last three to five years, the increase amounts to 41 per cent.

The annual cost of the Court establishments alone before the revolution was $10,919,974; since then this item has averaged $10,520,165, showing a decrease of 33 per cent. But still even the reduced sum the people have been obliged to furnish since the revolution, is equivalent to the interest on a capital of $263,001,140 invested in agriculture,

The armies of Germany cost yearly before March, 1848, $42,379,874; since then this item has been

142 per cent. The total amount of the national debts was, before the revolution, 8845,147.752; it now is $1,174,938,984, and is increasing as fast as it can be filled up. The increase in the last three to five years has been 39 per cent. The debt of Prussia is now (1851) $186,544,346; that of German Austria (1850) $764,000,000.

It will be seen by the above table that England, France, and Germany, are much the deepest in debi and heaviest taxed of all countries.

*President's salary as now paid; the Constitutional rate would be one-third of a cent per head and 1-23 per cent of the entire expenditure. Federal only.

President's salary.

EUROPE IN 1851.

THE chronicle of Europe in 1851 must be very | blance of legality, Louis Napoleon deliberately brief or very tedious; brief as it records only the executed one of the most atrocious schemes of general tendencies and few salient points of the usurpation ever recorded in history. On the year's history, or tedious as it expands in a wil-morning of December 2, he violently dissolved derness of details. We prefer the former.

the Assembly, arrested and imprisoned all the In GREAT BRITAIN, though some reduction members who would not acquiesce in his crime, has been made in the burdens of taxation, the and, with a mockery of universal suffrage, called revenue has not fallen off. The decennial census the whole people to vote Yes or No on the queshas revealed facts of an alarming nature. The tion whether he should be President for ten years population of Ireland alone has fallen back to with dictatorial powers. At the same time he where it was twenty years ago, the decrease by suppressed all the newspapers except his own famine and emigration being counted in mil- organs, and declared not only Paris, but a great lions. People still continue to emigrate in vast number of departments, in a state of siege. numbers, a conclusive commentary upon the There were attempts at opposition in the capisystem by which the kingdom is governed. tal and the provinces, but a vast military force put During the year the ministry have once re- them down with bloodshed. The end is not yet. signed, on occasion of a parliamentary defeat; In GERMANY, the main fact is the complete but as no men could be found to take their pla-restoration of the old Diet at Frankfort. This ccs, they resumed office again. The World's body is to be strengthened by the addition of a Fair has been the great event of the year. This federal police to its other machinery and means unexampled exhibition lasted six months, and of suppressing "anarchy and demagoguism." was every way successful. The United States The course of tyranny has been continued in this carried off a full share of the honors of this country, while the people have generally fallen great industrial tournament, it being admitted into a state of phlegmatic indifference. Hanothat the most useful inventions with which the ver and other States, which have before pracFair made England acquainted came from Amer-tised free trade, have come into the Zollverein, ica. At the same time the schooner America, and become protectionist The question of the a yacht built in New York, beat out of sight all the yachts of the Royal Club, and established the superiority of American ship-building. Shortly after the closing of the exhibition, in October, Kossuth arrived in England. He was received triumphantly by the working classes, and the more liberal part of the middle class. His speeches, mado at public banquets and receptions, were admirable, and produced a profound sensation everywhere.

succession in Schleswig-Holstein, on which the late war mainly turned, still remains unsettled.

In AUSTRIA, the Constitution of March 4, 1849, has been abrogated by a decree of the Emperor, who rules henceforth by his own absolute pleasure, as he did before the revolution. This empire has had to make a new loan, on very bad terms, and it seems impossible that it should escape from open bankruptcy. It is already bankrupt in fact. Prince Metternich has returned to Vienna, Kossuth and his companions were hung in effigy by the government at Pesth at the time that they were set free by the Turkish authorities, and allowed to go to England and America.

In FRANCE, the year has been mainly occupied with the intrigues of President Bonaparte to procure the abolition of that clause in the Constitution which forbade his election, and in the suppression of those liberties yet remaining to the people. The effort to obtain the revision of the In ITALY, the year has been marked by the Constitution having failed in the Assembly, the dreariest tyranny. In Lombardy this has been President, in his annual Message on Nov. 4, as a exercised by Marshal Radetzky; at Rome by the last resort, proposed the restoration of universal Pontifical government; in Naples by the Boursuffrage, in order thereby to bring the republi-bon who reigns there. The prisons have been can members to the support of his scheme for crowded with victims, who have suffered abuses his own re-election. This proposition was voted almost incredible; and thousands, especially in down in the Assembly, and then seeing that his Lombardy, have been put to death on offenses ambition could not be gratified with any sem-\ that, under a tolerable state of things, would not

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