shall have had time to diffuse themselves over by a law universal as that of gravitation. And the country, is to provide a Home Market for thus, while the Farners are continually told by Agricultural products, not merely on the sea-our Free Traders that a duty of forty per cent. board or in one section, but in every section. on Woolens would tax thein so much for the The reward of Labor and other elements of special benefit of the Manufacturers, the actual cost being substantially equal, Manufactures effect of Protection on their atorests as a will tend to that section in which food, fuel, class, and on those of the whole community, and other elements of production are cheapest, will be fairly exhibited by the following table:

Actual Cost of the Woolen Goods required for a year's consumption of the Country.

But

Here it will be seen that the same Agricul- subject of Protective legislation. For example, tural products which pay for the year's con- Coffee and Spices may be produced in New sumption of Woolens and leave an excess, York, but only through a forcing process that though costing nominally $100,000,000, will renders the cost of such product one hundred only pay two-thirds of the cost of the same times that of the imported article. This negoods if imported, though costing nominally cessity of hot-house culture is not a transient but $80,000,000. The difference is made by condition, pertaining to the infancy of the culthe existence in the one case of an ample mar-ture; it is fixed and immutable, so long as our ket for the farmer's surplus produce, within his present climate shall continue. So long, then, own vicinity, and in the other trusting to one it would be idle, it would be madness, to at three or four thousand miles off. I have en-tempt fostering the home production of Cofice deavored to state the prices in each instance at by protective legislation or otherwise. least as favorably to Free Trade as truth and suppose that by some mutation of Nature the the experience of the country will warrant. If climate of New York should become such as the correctness of this or that item, or even of that of the West Indies now is, then it would the general exhibit, be caviled at, the essen- be expedient and wise to encourage the home tial truth cannot be disputed, that we may buy production of Coffee, even though its moncy a required amount or description of goods abroad cost at first should considerably exceed that of much cheaper, (that is, for a smaller amount of the inported article. The comparison of Promoney,) and yet pay very much more for them tection, therefore, to the policy of raising than if we produced them at a nominally higher Coffee in hot-houses, or extracting sunbeams price. And this is the vital element which from cucumbers,' may be very sinart, but it finds no place in the Free Trade calculation. fails of becoming effective from its want of The attentive reader will have perceived ere pertinence and truth. this that the essential question to be solved by We have the means of testing the soundness a true policy is one of real, and not at all of of the Free Trade maxin, that trade will best nominal cheapness. Political Economy is the regulate itself,' or that individual interest will science of labor-saving, applied to the action unerringly discern and follow the path which of communities. Its object is to save labor leads to the greatest general good, if untramfrom waste, from misapplication, and from loss meled by legislation or public policy. Why through constrained idleness. Whatever tends should I not be allowed to buy my couts of à to prove that a particular article can be pro- Paris tailor, if he will supply me cheaper than cured abroad for a less amount of our domestic an American one 21 is the standing problem of labor or its products than it would cost to pro-Free Trade: what right has Government to duce it at home, and that this difference in interfere and prevent my following the dictate favor of the foreign article is not casual or of my own interest!' The answer is, simply, transient, but has a positive and permanent that what he esteems his private interest is at reason in the nature of things, will prove effec-war with the public good for while the inditually that this article cannot be advanta-vidual may purchase a coat for fewer dollars geously produced at home, and is not a proper of a French then he could of an American

་

tailor, the community will pay, perhaps, fewer more costly of transportation, will, to a great dollars, but yet a far greater amount of its pro- extent, be governed by the nearness or distance ducts, for coats, if they are generally bought of the market at which the surplus is consumabroad than if made at home. In other words, ed, as we have already indicated. Assuming the subtraction from the gross amount of our the average value of Wheat throughout the National wealth will be greater if our coats are world to be a dollar a bushel, and in districts obtained abroad than if they were produced at where Manufactures preponderate, (in other words, where the demand for Grain exceeds

bome.

But why will not this regulate itself?- the home supply,) a dollar and a quarter, it That is just what we have been showing. The follows inevitably that if our Manufactures are individual, having dollars to pay for a coat, generally brought from Europe, the market for may obtain it cheapest, looking only to that our surplus Agricultural produce must also, to single transaction, from the Parisian maker; a great extent, be found abroad; and the farbut the public will lose more than he gains by mer in Illinois must sell his Grain at the price the transaction, since it pays more for its sup- it bears in a foreign market, less the cost and ply of coats from abroad than for a similar charges of sending it there; in other words, at supply produced at home. Thus the momen- thirty to fifty cents a bushel. But let our poltary apparent individual interest is in conflict icy be so adjusted that the Manufactures conwith the permanent, intrinsic public interest, sumed by those regions are mainly produced and one or the other must yield. It is the first at Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, St. Louis, and on the law of an organized community that individual rapids of their own abundant streams, and the action shall be made to conform to the general money price which the farmer receives for his good. grain will be more than doubled, and the Let us put this essential truth in a still amount of goods of all kinds received by him! clearer light. A. B. is an extensive farmer in in exchange for a hundred bushels of Grain Indiana, and this year plants fifty acres with will be nearly or quite doubled. But this is Corn, receiving therefrom two thousand bush-not all, nor even the best. There are thouels, and sows fifty acres more with Wheat, of sands of Agricultural products which command which the product is one thousand bushels. In next to no price at all in the absence or disthe absence of a Tariff, he can only procure, tance of such a market as Manufactures must say fifty cents a bushel for the Wheat, and supply. Thus Wood, Fruits, Pork, Vegetatwenty-five for the Corn, or one thousand dol-bles, Poultry, &c., are now sold throughout the lars for his entire crop. Now he knows per-West at prices so low as hardly to be credible, fectly well that, with a good Protective Tariff, while, if the manufactured goods there consu which should secure the manufacture at home med were there made, they would readily of all the Cloths and Wares required for our bring from three to ten times as much. And own consumption, the price of his products yet the public ear is incessantly dinned with would inevitably be fifty per cent. higher, the bold assertion that the Farmers do not amounting to fifteen hundred dollars. He need Protection! and that a Discriminating could then richly afford to pay even fifty per Tariff taxes them for the sole benefit of the cent. higher, if required, for whatever fabrics Manufacturers!

he should need. But in the absence of such a 'But why,' asks an inquirer, do Manufac Tariff, will he, an individual, out of the meatures need Protection any more than other proger proceeds of his Grain, purchase domestic ducts? We answer: The cost of transporting manufactures at the higher prices, while he is Manufactures from England to Peoria or Inselling his own products at Free Trade prices? dianapolis will probably fall below two per Obviously, he will do no such thing. If he cent. on their value, while to send back Wheat did, his unsupported individual action would and Corn in return will cost at least two hunhave no good effect, either for him or the com- dred per cent. The mere bulk of Agricultural munity. He might go on buying at high and staples, and the consequent expense of transselling at low prices till doomsday, to his own porting them, affords a Protection twenty-five individual detriment, and to no good end for to one hundred per cent. against any influx the public. But only impose a Tariff which from abroad, which is wholly absent in the shall secure the Home Market mainly to the case of Manufactures. But, in addition to this, home producer, and the competition, stimula- the price or rent of Land is one great element ted by a certain and steady demand at living of the cost of Agricultural products, and one rates, will reduce the price of the manufactured which is much cheaper in America than in fabrics, while, by increasing largely the num- Europe. On the other hand, immediate Labor ber in his vicinity who wish to buy Agricul- is the chief element in the cost of Manufactural staples, and are able to pay for them, it tures, and Land hardly an item. In a country correspondingly increases the market for his where Labor is comparatively dear, and Land produce and the price for it. For, while the cheap, as in ours, Agricultural products will price of labor and of materials must always be relatively cheaper and Manufactures deargovern the price of manufactures, after the dif- er than in Europe, in the absence of countericulties incident to their infancy and to foreign acting policy. A Protective Duty in aid of competition are surmounted, the price of Agri- Home Manufactures, while it will hardly incultural staples, which are of greater bulk and crease the price of the protected articles, and

will in most cases ultimately reduce it, will Grain and Meat as now, since there would be inevitably and largely increase the price of nothing to prevent, and the Manufacturers Agricultural products, perhaps not so much in could very soon produce as much Cloth, Wares, our sea-ports, but certainly over the wide ex- &c. in this country as they do in Europe; the panse of the country. A duty of one hundred advantages offered by the immense aggrega per cent. on Agricultural staples alone would tion of Capital and Machinery abroad being not increase their price ten per cent., because fully counterbalanced by the superior cheapthere is no considerable importation to check; ness of our abundant Water power over Steam, while a duty of fifty per cent. on foreign Man- of our timber, wood, &c., and the remarkable ufactures would increase the average price of ingenuity of our people in the invention and Agricultural staples at least fifty per cent. It improvement of labor-saving machinery. Our is, therefore, one of the plainest, clearest of Farmers thus producing as much food as now, economical truths, that the true way to en- and our Manufacturers producing as much cloth, courage and reward Agriculture is by protect- &c., here as they now do in Europe, does not ing and fostering Manufactures, and thus pro- every one see that an immense saving would viding a convenient and safe market with ade-be secured to both in the diminution of the quate prices for Agricultural products. In enormous force now diverted from production other words: the true way to increase Indus- to needless transportation and traffic? Here try and its rewards, is not by attracting it to is an utter waste of the energies and efforts of those departments of production already over-millions, who must levy their support upon stocked, and so increasing surpluses for which the actual producers, to whom they are necesthere is no adequate demand or reward, but by sary under the present system. At this modeveloping new branches of industry, opening ment, for broadcloth costing three dollars per new avenues to useful employment, and thus yard, the farmers of Illinois and Indiana are rounding out and perfecting the great circle of paying from six to twelve bushels of Wheat industrial effort. If all the industry of a coun-while the manufacturer in England is receiving try or community is directed to one depart-less than two bushels! The balance is swalment, one inevitable result is, that the product lowed up by the expenses of transportation, of that industry bears a lower price there than sale and resale, British taxes, tithes, &c. But throughout the world generally, while what- let us adopt and adhere to such a policy as ever else they buy or consume costs them will woo the Manufacturer to a residence more than its average price elsewhere. At among us, and he will receive much more the same time that single department does not Wheat for a piece of Cloth, while the Farmer furnish sufficient and advantageous employ receives much more Cloth for a load of Wheat; ment for all ages, tastes, sexes, capacities, and the saving of four thousand miles' profitless conditions; and there is inevitably much idle- transportation being shared between them. or comparatively unproductive effort. Such are the results and the benefits of the But let Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts, and Protective System.

ness

every department of industrial effort be prose- The careful reader will have already percuted together, as nearly as may be, and there ceived that the foundations of that system are is employment and reward for all, and no dan- laid not in strife, not in envy, jealousy, or illger of prostration to any through a revulsion will, but in the highest good to Man, and to or caprice in some far-off market, or through all men. We do not commend it as desirable the obstacles interposed by maritime or other for or beneficial to this country, or its farmers, hostilities. This is the consummation to only, but for all countries, all classes, and all which National Prosperity aspires, and Protec- times. Wherever Man shall, in the sweat of tion emphatically tends. his brow, eat bread, there it is desirable that

Let us suppose, for farther example, that all departments of Industry shall be prosecu the American People, tired of buying the pro- ted as nearly as may be together, unless some ducts of a European manufacturing population condition of climate or soil shall forbid it; and of three or four millions, at an oppressive dis- if, through unequal currencies, diverse instituadvantage to the producers on both sides, tions, or other cause, this intermingling of Agshould at once resolve and proclaim, We will ricultural with Manufacturing avocations fails buy no longer of Europe, but let the European to take place naturally, there it is desirable manufacturers come to us, and we will give that public policy should interpose to secure them better employment, better pay, and bet- it. If the articles which one now buys shall ter living than they now have ;' what would be for a time cost more, those which he has to the result? The manufacturers, finding their sell will, at the same time, command more; employment and pay diminished, would cer- and, after a brief season, the alleged evil will tainly come over in sufficient numbers, and, disappear, while the benefit permanently reforeign manufactures being no longer import- mains, having its root in the nature of things. ed, would find abundant employment. No The case is just like this: A. B. raises Wheat truth is more settled than this, that the exchan- in Ohio, which he exchanges with C. D. for ges of Agricultural and Manufacturing pro- Manufactures in Montreal, while E. F. makes ducts among the same people will always find his living by carrying back and forth the their natural and proper equilibrium. Now, Grain and Goods. But in course of time, G. our Farmers could surely produce as much H. sets up a manufactory or depot within a

mile of A. B., and offers to supply him Goods Wheat, &c. in return, is indeed a problem most for Grain at the same rate that he has hitherto difficult to solve, and of whose insolubility our traded in Montreal. By accepting this offer, present depressed, embarrassed, and crippled A. B. makes a clear saving of the amount for-condition is a mournful evidence. At this mo merly paid to E. F. for his services, and the ment, while the makers of our Cloths and latter is left to abandon his unproductive, and Wares are paying twenty cents a pound for betake himself to some productive employ- Pork in England, the wearers of that Cloth are ment, whereby there is a clear saving of the selling Pork at one cent a pound in Illinois. whole of his services to the world. In other Here is an enormous difference between the words, the same amount of labor produces so price received by the producer and that paid much more of the necessaries or comforts of by the consumer-a difference which is utterly. life than formerly, and the community is to ruinous to productive industry on both sides. that extent enriched by the change. How long shall it be submitted to?

And here is shown the fallacy of the Free Enlightened Protection is emphatically the Trade cavil, that if Protection is so good a thing hope and stay of the toiling millions over the for Nations, it must be good for States, Coun- whole face of the earth. Wherever a hammer ties, Towns, and even Families also, and that is lifted, a plough held, a shuttle thrown, over each should protect its own industry against the globe, there is one whose direct interest it the rivalry of all neighbors, and the farmer is that labor should be efficiently protected, not make his own boots, hats, and broadcloth, as merely in his own but in all countries, and that well as the nation. All must see that while a the excessive and fatal competition of capital Nation affords full scope and materials for a with capital, sinew with sinew, privation with perfect and economical division of labor, a privation, to excel in cheapness of productionfamily or township does not; and that, while that is, cheapness of money price-should be the expense of transporting grain from Indiana checked and bounded. Let Labor, therefore, to manufacturers in Cincinnati or Louisville with one mighty voice, demand adéquate, stamay be very light, the cost of taking the same ble Protection, and a wider and deeper Prosgrain to Birmingham or Manchester would be perity will soon irradiate the land, carrying enormous. The case is just as if a man should independence, comfort, and joy to the dwelling say, 'You tell me I cannot afford to go a hun-alike of the farmer and artisan in every section dred miles for the boots and shoes I need, be- of the country. cause the cost of the journey will overbalance

the saving in price; now, on the same principle, I cannot go a hundred rods, but must buy

Aug. 20, 1842.

of the nearest and dearest manufacturer, or GENERAL JACKSON ON PROTECTION. make for myself.' The analogy here is obviously defective and unsound, and so with the cavil referred to.

LETTER TO DR. COLEMAN OF N. C.

Washington City, April 20, 1824. Equally fallacious is the objection that Eng- ** Heaven smiled upon and gave us liberty land protects her own Industry, yet her Labor-and independence. That same Providence has blessed ers are depressed and wretched; therefore us with the means of National Independence and naProtection is a curse to the Laborer. This is tional defence. If we omit or refuse to use the gifts one of those loose, imperfect analogies by which he has extended to us, we deserve not the conwhich any thing may be proved, and which of tinuation of His blessing. He has filled our mouncourse prove nothing. The English laborer is tains and our plains with minerals--with lead, iron, depressed, not because his labor is protected, growing of hemp and wool. These being the great and copper--and given us a climate and soil for the but for very different reasons. He is trodden materials of our national defence, they ought to have down by laws of primogeniture, which secure extended to them adequate protection; that our mato a few persons a monopoly of all the real nufacturers and laborers may be placed in a fair comproperty in the kingdom, and of course competition with those of Europe, and that we have pel the mass to pay enormously high rents for within our country a supply of those leading and imdebt and public burdens of all kinds; by an turist? Where has the American farmer a market for the use of land, &c.; by an enormous public portant articles so essential to war. I will ask what is the real situation of the agriculextravagant Government, an immense Army, a his surplus produce? Except for cotton he has neither pampered Priesthood of the Established Church, a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly &c. &c. Put the public burdens off the Eng-prove, when there is no market at home or abroad, lish upon us, and we could not bear them a that there is too much labor employed in agriculture. single year. Abolish every vestige of her Common sense at once points out the remedy. Take tariff, and, without other and more radical thousand men, women, and children, and you will at from agriculture in the United States six hundred changes, she would still be a nation of prodi-once give a market for more breadstuffs than all Eugals and paupers. Her evils lie far too deep rope now furnishes us. In short, sir, we have been for so superficial a remedy. too long subject to the policy of British merchants! I have not urged at all the argument of ne-It is time we should become a little more Americancessity founded on the Tariffs of other nations, and their bearing upon our interests. How we are to pay for foreign Manufactures when the producing nations will not take our Grain,

ise, and instead of feeding paupers and laborers of England, feed our own; or else, in a short time, by continuing our present policy, we shall be rendered ANDREW JACKSON.

paupers ourselves.

*

says:

THE VOICE OF OUR PRESIDENTS,

IN FAVOR OF PROTECTION.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, in his first Annual attained, and are still attaining, under the impulse of Message after signing the first Tariff bill, causes not permanent, and to our navigation, the fair framed avowedly to protect manufactures, extent of which is, at present, abridged by the unequal regulations of foreign Governments. Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from "The safety and interest of the People require that sacrifices which a change of circumstances might they should promote such manufactures as tend to bring upon them, the national interest requires that, render them independent of others for essential, par- with respect to such articles at least as belong to our ticularly for military supplies." defence and primary wants, we should not be left in a

THOMAS JEFFERSON, in his Message to Con-state of unnecessary dependence on external supplies.” gress of December 15, 1802, thus enumerates the proper objects of our Government:

President MONROE, in his Inaugural Address, March 5th, 1817, observes:

"To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and "Our manufactures will likewise require the sysPosnavigation in all their lawful enterprises; to foster tematic and fostering care of the Government. our fisheries as nurseries of navigation, and for the sessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit of nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the na- the degree we have done, on supplies from other tion by an exact discharge of its debis and contracts, countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudexpend the public money with the same care and eco- den event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot nomy we would practice with our own, and impose on fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It our citizens no unnecessary burdens; to keep in all is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our things within the pale of our constitutional powers, manufactures should be domestic, as its influence in and cherish the federal Union as the only rock of that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do, in safety:-these, fellow-citizens, are the landmarks by foreign lands, would be felt advantageously on agriwhich we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. culture and every other branch of industry. Equally By continuing to make these the rule of our action, important is it to provide at home a market for our raw we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles materials, as, by extending the competition, it will of their Constitution, and promote an union of senti-enhance the price and protect the cultivator against ment and of action equally auspicious to their happi- the casualties incident to foreign markets."

ness and safety." JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, in his Message of DeAgain, in his Message of 1806, apprehending cember 2d, 1828, thus vindicates the power and a surplus Revenue, he says: policy of Protection:

"To what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost after the entire discharge of the public debt? Shall we suppress the impost, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures ?"

"Is the self-protecting energy of this nation so helpless, that there exists in the political institutions of our country no power to counteract the bias of this foreign legislation; that the growers of grain must. submit to this exclusion from the foreign markets of He proceeds to say, that on a few articles he their produce; that the shippers must dismantle their thinks the impost may be suppressed, but that, ships, the trade of the North stagnate at the wharves, with regard to the great mass of them, the and the manufacturers starve at their looms, while "patriotism" of the people would "prefer its the whole people shall pay tribute to foreign industry. to be clad in a foreign garb; that the Congress of the continuance and application to the great pur-Union are impotent to restore the balance in favor of poses of public education, roads, rivers, canals, native industry, destroyed by the statutes of another and such other objects of public improvement nation? More just and more generous sentiments as it may be thought proper to add to the con- will, I trust, prevail. stitutional enumeration of federal powers." In his last annual Message sent to Congress, gress shall be found by experience to bear oppreson the 8th of November, 1808, Mr. JEFFERSON Union, it ought to be, and I cannot doubt will be, so sively upon the interests of any one section of the

says:

"If the tariff adopted at the last session of Con

modified as to alleviate its burdens. To the voice of "The suspension of foreign commerce produced by just complaint, from any portion of their constituents, the injustice of the belligerent Powers, and the con- the representatives of the States and the people will sequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are sub-never turn away their ears. But so long as the duty jects of just concern. The situation into which we of the foreign shall operate only as a bounty upon the have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a por-domestic article-while the planter, and the merchant, tion of our industry and capital to internal manufac-and the shepherd, and the husbandman, shall be found tures and improvements. The extent of this conver-thriving in their occupations, under the duties imsion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that posed for the protection of domestic manufacturesthe establishments formed and forming will, under the they will not repine at the prosperity shared with auspices of cheaper materials and substance, the free-themselves by their fellow-citizens of other profesdom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting sions, nor denounce as violations of the Constitution duties and prohibitions, become permanent." the deliberate acts of Congress to shield from the JAMES MADISON, in his Message of Novem-wrongs of foreign laws the native industry of the Union." ber 5th, 1811, thus speaks:

Gen. JACKSON, in his Message of Dec. 7th, "Although other subjects will press more imme-1830, thus asserts the Constitutional power: diately on your deliberations, a portion of them can

not but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy "The power to impose duties on imports originally of securing to our manufactures the success they havel belonged to the several States. The right to ado