16 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. plause, the affection and adoption of every na-ples. You have in a common cause fought tion which is yet a stranger to it. and triumphed together; the independence and Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But solici-liberty you possess are the work of joint countude for your welfare. which cannot end but cils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferwith my life, and the apprehension of danger ings and successes. natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occa- But these considerations, however powerfulsion like the present, to offer to your solemnly they address themselves to your sensibility, contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- are greatly outweighed by those which apply quent review, some sentiments which are the more immediately to your interest. Here every result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable portion of our Country finds the most commandobservation, and which appears to me all-im-ing motives for carefully guarding and preseryportant to the permanency of your felicity as a ing the union of the whole. people. These will be offered to you with the sion. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse more freedom, as you can only see in them the with the South, protected by the equal laws of disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who a common Government, finds in the productions can possibly have no personal motive to bias of the latter, great additional resources of mari his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encour time and commercial enterprize, and precious agement to it, your indulgent reception of my materials of manufacturing industry. The sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occa- South in the same intercourse; benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture Interwoven as is the love of Liberty with grow, and its commerce expand. Turning every ligament of your hearts, no recommenda- partly into its own channels the seamen of the tion of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm North, it finds its particular navigation invigo the attachment. rated-and while it contributes, in different The unity of government which constitutes ways, to nourish and increase the general mass you one people, is also now dear to you. It is of the national navigation, it looks forward to justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of the protection of a maritime strength, to which your real independence, the support of your itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your intercourse with the West, already finds, and safety, of your prosperity; of that very Liber- in the progressive improvement of interior comty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy munication, by land and water, will more and to foresee, that from different causes and from more find a valuable bent for the commodities different quarters, much pains will be taken, which it brings from abroad, or manufactures many artifices employed, to weaken in your at home. The West derives from the East minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the supplies requisite to its growth and comfort— point in your political fortress, against which and what is perhaps of still greater consethe batteries of internal and external enemies quence, it must of necessity owe the secure enwill be most constantly and actively (though joyment of indispensable outlets for its own often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of productions to the weight, influence, and the infinite moment that you should properly esti- future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of mate the immense value of your National Un- the Union, directed by an indissoluble commuion; to your collective and individual happi- nity of interest as one Nation. Any other tenness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual ure by which the West can hold this essential and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming advantage, whether derived from its own sepyourselves to think and speak of it as of the arate strength. or from an apostate and únnatupalladium of your political safety and prosperi- ral connection with any foreign power must ty, watching for its preservation with jealous be intrinsically precarious. anxiety; discountenancing whatever may sug- While, then, every part of our Country thus gest even a suspicion that it can in any event sees an immediate and particular interest in be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find the first dawning of every attempt to alienate in the united mass of means and efforts, greater any portion of our country from the rest, or to strength, greater resource, proportionably greatenfeeble the sacred ties which now link toge- er security from external danger, a less frether the various parts. quent interruption of their peace by foreign haFor this you have every inducement of sym- tions; and, what is of inestimable value, they pathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or must derive from union an exemption from choice, of a common Country, that Country has broils and wars between themselves, which so a right to concentrate your affections. The frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in together by the same government; which their your national capacity, must always exalt the own rivalships alone would be sufficient to projust pride of patriotism, more than any appella- duce, but which opposite foreign alliances, at tion derived from local discriminations. With tachments and intrigues would stimulate and slight shades of difference, you have the same embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid) religion, manners, habits and political princi- the necessity of those overgrown military es WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. tablishments, which under any form of govern-sever them from their brethren, and connect ment, are inauspicious to Liberty, and which them with aliens? are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Re- To the efficacy and permanency of your Unpublican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your ion, a government for the whole is indispensa Union ought to be considered as a main prop of ble. No alliances, however strict, between the your Liberty, and that the love of the one parts can be an adequate substitute; they must one ought to endear you to the preservation of inevitably experience the infractions and interthe other. ruptions which all alliances in all times have Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, better calculated than your former for an intiby the adoption of a constitution of government mate Union, and for the efficacious management brace so large a sphere? Let experience solve the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced of your common concerns. This Government. it. To listen to mere speculation in such a and unawed, adopted upon full investigation, and These considerations speak a persuasive lan- experienced. guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of a patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common Government can em case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, mature deliberation, completely free in its prin with the auxiliary agency of governments for ciples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy self a provision for its own amendment, has a security with energy, and containing within itIssue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment With such powerful Respect for its authority, compliance with its just claim to your confidence and your support. and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties of our Country, while experiment shall not have demonstrated its impracticability there will al- enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of Liberty. The basis of our political systems is those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to their constitutions of government. the right of the people to make and to alter But the weaken its bands. Constitution which at any time exists, until In contemplating the eauses which may dis- changed by an explicit and authentic act of the turb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious whole people, is sacrédly obligatory upon all. concern that any grounds should have been The very idea of the power and the right of the furnished for characterizing parties, by gee-people to establish government, pre-supposes graphical discrimination--Northern and South- the duty of every individual to obey the estabern Atlantic and Western; whence designing lished Government. men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there All obstructions to the execution of the laws, is a real difference of local interests and views. all combinations and associations, under whatOne of the expedients of party to acquire influ- ever plausible character, with the real design ence, within particular districts, is to misrepre-to direct, control, counteract or awe the regular sent the opinions and aims of other districts.-- deliberation and action of the constituted authoYou cannot shield yourselves too mach against rities, are destructive of this fundamental printhe jealousies and heart-burnings which spring ciple, and of fatal tendency. They serve to orfrom these misrepresentations; they tend to ganize faction to give it an artificial and extrarender alien to each other, those who ought to ordinary force-to put in the place of the delebe bound together by fraternal affection. The gated will of the Nation, the will of a party, inhabitants of our Western country have lately often a small but artful and enterprising minorhad a useful lesson on this head. They have ity of the community; and, according to the alseen in the negotiation by the Executive, and ternate triumphs of different parties, to make in the unanimous ratification by the Senate. of the public administration the mirror of the illthe Treaty with Spain, and in the universal concerted and incongruous projects of faction, satisfaction at the event throughout the United rather than the organ of consistent and wholeStates, a decisive proof how unfounded were some plans digested by common councils, and the suspicions propagated among them, of a po modified by mutual interests. licy in the General Government and in the At- However combinations or associations of the lantic States unfriendly to their interests in re- above description may now and then answer gard to the Mississippi; they have been wit- popular ends, they are likely, in the course of nesses to the formation of two Treaties, that time and things, to become potent energies, by with Great Britain and that with Spain, which which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled secure to them every thing they could desire. men will be enabled to subvert the power of in respect to our foreign relations, towards con- the people, and to usurp for themselves the firming their prosperity. Will it not be their reins of government; destroying afterwards the wisdom to rely for the preservation of these ad- very engines which have lifted them to unjust vantages on the Union by which they were dominion. procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf Towards the preservation of your Governto those advisers, if such there are, who would ment, and the permanency of your present hap WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. you re py state, it is requisite, not only that you stead-make it the interest and duty of a wise people ily discountenance irregular opposition to its to discourage and restrain it. acknowledged authority, but also that It serves always to distract the public counsist with care the spirit of innovation upon its cils, and enfeeble the public administration. It principles, however specious the pretext. One agitates the community with ill-founded jealmethod of assault may be to effect in the forms of ousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity the Constitution, alterations which will impair of one part against another; foments, occasionthe energy of the system, and thus to undermine ally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the to foreign influence and corruption, which find changes to which you may be invited, remem- a facilitated access to the Government itself, ber that time and habit are at least as necessary through the channels of party passions. Thus, to fix the true character of government, as of the policy and the will of one country are subother human institutions that experience is jected to the policy and will of another. the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a coun- There is an opinion that parties in free country-that facility in changes upon the credit of tries are useful checks upon the administration mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perof the Government, and, serve to keep alive the petual change, from the endless variety of hy- spirit of Liberty. This, within certain limits, pothesis and opinion; and remember, especial- is probably true; and in governments of a moly, that for the efficient management of your narchial cast, patriotism may look with indulcommon interests, in a Country so extensive as gence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of par ours, a Government of as much vigor as is con- ty. But in those of a popular character, in gosistent with the perfect security of Liberty, is vernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such be encouraged. From their natural tendency, a Government, with powers properly distribu- it is certain there will always be enough of ted and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, in- that spirit for every salutary purpose; and deed, little else than a name, where the Gov- there being constant danger of excess, the effort ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterpri- ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitizes of faction. to confine each member of the so- gate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenchciety within the limits prescribed by the laws, ed, it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, enjoyment of the rights of person and property. it should consume. I have already intimated to you the danger It is important, likewise, that the habits of of parties in the State, with particular reference thinking in a free country, should inspire cauto the founding of them on geographical dis- tion in those entrusted with its administration, criminations. Let me now take a more com- to confine themselves within their respective prehensive view, and warn you in the most constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise solemn manner against the baneful effects of of the powers of one department, to encroach the spirit of party, generally. upon another. The spirit of encroachment This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from tends to consolidate the powers of all the deour nature, having its root in the strongest pas- partments in one, and thus to create, whatever sions of the human mind. It exists under dif- the form of government, a real despotism. A ferent shapes in all Governments, more or less just estimate of the love of power, and pronestifled, controled, or oppressed; but in those of ness to abuse it, which predominates in the huthe popular form, it is seen in its greatest rank- man heart, is suficient to satisfy us of the truth ness, and is truly their worst enemy. of this position. The necessity of reciprocal The alternate domination of one faction over checks in the exercise of political power, by another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, na- dividing and distributing it into different detural to party dissention, which in different positories, and constituting each the guardian ages and countries has perpetrated the most of the public weal against invasions by the horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. others, has been evinced by experiments anBut this leads at length to a more formal and cient and modern; some of them in our Counpermanent despotism. The disorders and mis- try, and under our own eyes. To preserve eries which result, gradually incline the minds them must be as necessary as to institute them. of men to seek security and repose in the abso- If, in the opinion of the people. the distribution lute power of an individual; and, sooner or or modification of the constitutional powers be later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by able or more fortunate than his competitors, an amendment in the way which the Constitu turns his disposition to the purposes of his own tion designates. But let there be no change elevation, on the ruins of public Liberty. by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, Without looking forward to an extremity of may be the instrument of good, it is the cus this kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to be tomary weapon by which free governments entirely out of sight,) the common and continual are destroyed. The precedent must always mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to greatly overbalance in permanent evil any par WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, tial or transient benefit which the use can at conduct of the government in making it, and at any time yield. for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for Of all the dispositions and habits which lead obtaining revenue which the public exigencies to political prosperity, religion and morality are may at any time dictate. indispensable supports. In vain would that Observe good faith and justice towards all man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; labor to subvert these great pillars of human-religion and morality enjoin this conduct; happiness, these firmest props of the duties of and can it be that good policy does not equally men and citizens. The mere politician, equal-enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enly with the pious man, ought to respect and to lightened, and (at no distant period) a great cherish them. A volume could not trace all nation, to give to mankind a magnanimous and their connexions with private and public feli- too novel example of a people always guided city. Let it simply be asked, where is the se- by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who curity for property, for reputation, for life, if the can doubt that in the course of time and things, sense of religious obligation desert the oaths the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any which are the instruments of investigation in temporal advantages which might be lost.by courts of justice? and let us with caution in- steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providulge the supposition, that morality can be dençe has not connected the permanent felicity maintained without religion. Whatever may of a nation with virtue? The experiment, at be conceded to the influence of refined educa-least, is recommended by every sentiment tion on minds of peculiar structure; reason and which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it {experience both forbid us to expect that na- rendered impossible by its vices? tional morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- In the execution of such a plan, nothing is gious principle. more essential than that permanent, inveterate It is substantially true, that virtue or morality antipathies against particular nations, and pasis a necessary spring of popular government.sionate attachments for others should be exclu The rule indeed extends with more or less ded, and that in the place of them just amicaforce to every species of free government. Who ble feelings towards all should be cultivated.-that is a sincere friend to it, can look with in- The nation, which indulges towards another difference upon attempts to shake the founda- an habitual hatred or an habitual cndness, is tion of the fabric? in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its aniPromote, then, as an objects of primary im- mosity, or to its affection either of which is portance, institution for the general diffusions of sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its knowledge. In proportion as the structure of interest. Antipathy in one nation against anoa government' gives force to public opinion, it ther, disposes each more readily to offer insult is essential that public opinion should be en- and injury-to lay hold of slight causes of umlightened. brage, and to be haughty and intractable when As a very important source of strength and accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occar. security, cherish public credit. One method of Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenpreserving it is to use it as sparingly as possi-omed and bloody contests. The nation, promptble; avoiding occasions of expense by cultiva-ed by ill will and resentment, sometimes imting peace, but remembering. also, that timely pels to war the Government, contrary to the disbursements to prepare for dangers, frequent-best calculations of policy. The Government ly prevent much greater disbursements to re-sometimes participates in the national propenspel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of sity, and adopts through passion what reason debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex- would reject; at other times it makes the anipense, but by vigorous exertions in time of mosity of the nation subservient to projects of peace to discharge the debts which unavoida- hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and othable wars may have occasioned, not ungener-er sinister and pernicious motives. The peace ously throwing upon posterity the burthen often, sometimes. perhaps, the Liberty of nawhich we ourselves ought to bear. The exe-tions has been the victim. cution of these maxims belongs to your repre- So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one sentatives, but it is necessary that public opin-nation for another produces a variety of evils. ion should co-operate. To facilitate to them Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the performance of their duty, is essential the illusion of an imaginary common interest, that you should practically bear in mind, that in cases where no real common interest exists, towards the payment of debts there must be and infusing into one the enmities of the other, revenue. That to have revenue there must be betrays the former into a participation in the taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are quarrels and wars of the latter, without adenot more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; quate inducement or justification. It leads that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable also to concessions to the favorite nation of? from the selection of the proper objects (which privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a to injure the nation making the concessions by decisive motive for a candid construction of the unnecessarily parting with what ought to have WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-,will cause the neutrality we may at any time will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par-resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; ties from whom equal privileges are withheld; when belligerent nations, under the impossiand it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite lightly hazard the giving us provocations nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the inter-when we may choose peace or war, as our inests of their own country, without odium, terest, guided by justice, shall counsel. sometimes even with popularity; gilding with Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- situation? Why quit our own to stand upon tion a commendable deference for public opin- foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our ion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the destiny with that of any part of Europe, enbase or foolish compliances of ambition, cor- tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of raption or infatuation. European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor As avenues to foreign influence in innumer- or caprice? Cable ways, such attachments are particularly It is our true policy to steer clear of permaalarming to the truly enlightened and indepen- nent alliancess with any portion of the foreign dent patriot. How many opportunities do world-so far, I mean, as we are now at liberthey afford to tamper with domestic factions, ty to do it; for let me not be understood as cato practice the arts of seduction, to mislead pable of patronizing infidelity to existing enpublic opinion, to influence or awe the public gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicouncils! Such an attachment of a small or cable to public than to private affairs, that honweak, towards a great and powerful nation, esty is always the best policy. I repeat it, dooms the former to be the satelite of the therefore, let those engagements be observed Slatter. in their genuine sense. Bat, in my opinion, it Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ- is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to exence. (I conjure you to believe me, fellow tend them. citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to Taking care alwaos to keep ourselves, by be constantly awake; since history and expe- suitable establishments, on a respectable defenrience prove that foreign influence is one of sive posture, we may safely trust to temporary the most baneful foes of Republican Govern-alliances for extraordinary emergencies ment. But that jealousy, to be useful, must Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of nations are recommended by policy, humanity the very influence to be avoided, instead of a and interest. But even our commercial policy defence against it. Excessive partiality for should hold an equal and impartial hand; neione foreign nation, and excessive dislike of ther seeking nor granting exclusive favors or another, causes thore whom they actuate, to preferences; consulting the natural course of see danger only on one side, and serve to veil things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle and even second the arts of influence on the means the streams of commerce, but forcing other. Real patriots, who may resist the in-nothing; establishing, with powers so dispotrigues of the favorite, are liable to become sed, in order to give trade a stable course, to suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes define the rights of our merchants, and to enausurp the applause and confidence of the peo-ble the government to support them; convenple, to surrender their interests. tional rules of intercourse, the best that present The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, foreign nations, is in extending our commer- bat temporary, and liable to be from time to time cial relations, to have with them as little politi-abandoned or varied, as experience and circal connexion as possible. So far as we have cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping already formed engagements, let them be ful-in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. disinterested favors from another; that it must Europe has a set of primary interests, which pay with a portion of its independence for to us have none, or a very remote relation.whatever it may accept under that character; Hence she must be engaged in frequent con- that by such acceptance, it may place itself in troversies, the causes of which are essentially the condition of having given equivalents for foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it nominal favors, and yet of being reproached must be unwise in as to implicate ourselves, with ingratitude for not giving more. There by artifical ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of can be no greater error than to expect or caiher politics, or the ordinary combinations and culate upon real favors from nation to nation. collisions of her friendships or enmities. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, Our detached and distant situation invites which a just pride ought to discard. and enables us to pursue a different course. If In offering to you, my countrymen, these we remain one people, under an efficient gov-counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I ernment, the period is not far off, when we dare not hope they will make the strong and may defy material injury from external annoy-lasting impression I could wish-that they will ance; when we may take such an attitude as control the usual current of the passions, or |