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respecting the cession of the Floridas met with numerous obstacles; Ferdinand VII was induced to refuse the ratification of the treaty already signed by his plenipotentiary, which it had been stipulated that he should give at latest in the month of August; but he at the same time declared bis intention of sending to the United States a confidential minister to explain the causes of this delay. The light in which the conduct of the king of Spain was regarded in the cabinet of Washington, and the measures proposed in consequence, will best appear from the message of the president to congress, printed as well as the treaty itself amongst our State Papers.

The conduct of the war with the Seminole Indians by general Jackson, formed the subject of a long and able report from a select committee to the senate in congress [See State Papers] on which basis warm debates were carried on during a period of three weeks.

and Ambrister, and decided in
the negative.

The amendment moved by Mr.
Cobb to the resolution reported
by the Committee of military
affairs, having been modified, was
then rejected.

The Committee rose and reported its decision.

A motion was made to postpone indefinitely the further consideration of the whole subject; when,

After some discussion, the previous question was required, and being taken, was decided in the affirmative; which precluded any other than a direct question on the proposition before the House.

On the question, then, to concur in disagreeing to so much of the report as relates to the case of Arbuthnot, the vote was, by yeas and nays

For concurrence in disagreeing
to it, 108-Against it, 62.

On the question to concur in
disagreeing to
period of disagreeing to so much of the
report as relates to Ambrister—

In conclusion the whole question involving very momentous constitutional points, was decided favorably to the general whose military zeal had been declared by the committee to have overstepped the boundaries of law, of justice, and of humanity. The strength and perseverance of the minorities strikingly displayed itself however in each successive stage of the business.

The question was taken on the resolution reported by the committee on military affairs, disapproving the proceedings in the trial and execution of Arbuthnot

For concurrence in disagreement, 107-Against it, 63.

A motion was then made by Mr. Cobb, that the House do come to the following resolution

Resolved, that the late seizure of the Spanish posts at Pensacola and St. Carlos de Barancas, in West Florida, by the army of the United States, was contrary to the constitution of the United States.

A motion was made to postpone indefinitely the further consideration of the proposition, and decided in the negative

For

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For the postponement, 83; Against it, 87.

The main question was then taken on Mr. Cobb's motion, and decided in the negative

For agreeing to it, 70; Against it, 100.

The planters of Georgia had long been disquieted by those apprehensions of domestic treachery which the justice of Providence appears to have inseparably connected with the existence of domestic slavery; and in the month of May their vigilance led to the detection of a formidable conspiracy. It appeared that a plan had been framed by the negroes of Augusta and the neighbouring plantations to set fire to the city and destroy the inhabitants; after which they designed to take possession of the shipping of Savannah and to attack the town, and ultimately to transport themselves to Florida or St. Domingo. After a patient investigation of the whole plot, several of the leaders were found guilty and put to death; one of the number is stated to have been actively engaged in the insurrection and massacre in St. Domingo during the year 1793.

No political question has come home more forcibly, or in a greater variety of forms, to the bosom of every citizen of America than that of the continuance of negro slavery in their free and mighty empire. By the inhabitants of the northern, or eastern states, this practice has long been regarded as the bane and opprobrium of their country; the importation of fresh slaves has already become illegal in nearly

the whole of them, and in many, slavery itself has ceased to exist. By the planters of the South and West, on the contrary, the privilege of cultivating the soil by the labor of slaves is still defended with all the pertinacity of avarice, and justified on the detestable plea of necessity. In Congress, the opponents of slavery had gained several victories; and unable to procure its universal and immediate abolition, they had at least succeeded to a considerable extent in settling limits to its duration; and they had hoped to put an effectual check to its establishment in the newlysettled states of the West. Dur ing the session of 1818, the state of Missouri was rejected as a member of the Union solely because its inhabitants opposed the insertion of a clause to preclude the further progress and continuance of slavery. On the other hand, the inhabitants of Missouri denied the right of the legislature to exercise any other control over the articles of a stateconstitution, than what should be necessary to preserve its republican character. A meeting on the subject was held in the month of May 1819, at the remote town of St. Louis, where it was voted, amongst other resolutions, that a second attempt on the part of Congress to oppose their admission on such grounds, would be an attempt to expel the territory of Missouri from the federation of the States, and would compel them to exercise the right which is inherent in every province, of forming a constitution and state-government for themselves. This important

portant affair in which the interests of justice and humanity were threatened on one side, and the integrity of the North American union on the other, has subsequently engaged the most serious deliberation of Congress, but the result remains to be reported

in the history of the ensuing year. In the meantime, the following appalling statements respecting the magnitude of the evil of slavery in the United States, has been published in that questionable authority. country, from documents of un

The whole number of slaves in all the States of the Union was, as appears by the census of each of the following years,

In 1790
694,280

In 1800
889,881

In 1810 1,165,441

Increase in 10 years, from 1790 to 1800, 203,624
Increase in 10 years, from 1800 to 1810, 251,875

Increase in 20 years, from 1790 to 1810, 481,160

The slave population from 1790 to 1800 increased 14-81 per centum; from 1800 to 1810, 35-84; and from 1790 to 1810, 70-75 per centum; and the ratio of increase, it will be observed, is augmenting, the first ten years being under 24 per centum, and the latter ten years upwards of 3 per centum per annum. The number of free persons in the United States, according to official returns, were, in

1790... 3,190,455 | 1800 ... 4,356,032 | 1810 ...

5,947,678

"and all other persons except Indians not taxed,"
1790... 59,120 | 1800 ... 108,607 | 1810
108,607 1810 ... 181,924

From these facts, principally extracted from "Scybert's Statistics," it appears that in the year 1810, when the last census was taken, nearly 1-6th part of the whole population were slaves! They were at that time divided among the states as follows, viz.

Rhode Island........

Connecticut

New York

New Jersey
Pennsylvania

Delaware

Maryland Virginia

108 North Carolina

168,824

310 South Carolina

196,365

15,017 Georgia .......

105,218

...

10,851 Kentucky

80,561

795 Tennessee

44,535

4,177 Louisiana

34,660

111,502 392,518

New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, and Ohio, are already fortunately exempted from the presence of this great moral and political evil. Pennsylvania and New York will like wise soon take their station in the same rank, having made the re

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of commodity took place, in consequence of a general failure of demand: the state banks almost throughout the Union were involved in difficulties, and the management of several became the subject of severe scrutiny; private failures grew alarmingly frequent, and an universal want of confidence impeded and nearly destroyed commercial intercourse. No very permanent check to the prosperity of the country appears however to be apprehended from the result of this commercial crisis, however distressing for the moment; and the president, on his return in August to the city of Washington, after a long progress through the extended territories committed to his administration, thus expressed his general satisfaction in what he had observed in an answer to an address of the corporation and citizens.

"In returning to the seat of the national government, after so long an absence, and so extensive a journey, I derive very great satisfaction, as you will readily conceive, from so kind a reception by my fellow-citizens and neighbours.

In the view which I took during my former, as well as my recent tour, through so great a portion of the Union, I have seen every thing which could give satisfaction to one who takes a deep interest in the welfare and prosperity of his country, abounding as it does in all the means necessary for public defence and individual comfort; a people virtuous and intelligent, attached to their free institutions, and firmly resolved to support them,

displaying on all occasions that manly and independent spirit, without which no institutions, however pure in their principles, can be long sustained; a people attached to each other, by the ties of consanguinity and a common interest-ties constantly gaining strength from causesthat are daily developing themselves.

"While these powerful causes bind us so closely together, and we continue to exhibit such unequivocal proofs of it to the world, rendering justice, as we do, to every other nation, we may expect a like return from them, and shall not fail to obtain it.

"Although in these journies. my attention has been principally directed to the great objects of defence, yet to them it has not been exclusively confined. I have endeavoured to examine with care the dependence and connexion of the various parts of our union on each other, and have observed, with great satisfaction, the eminent advantages which they respectively derive from the intercourse existing between them.

"To the condition of the Indians I have always paid attention, and shall feel happy in giving effect, as far as I may be able, to the wise and salutary laws of Congress, calculated to promote their civilization and happiness.

In the improvement of this metropolis the whole nation is interested. It is gratifying to me to find, that there is but one opinion on this subject. In providing the necessary public buildings, and promoting the growth and prosperity of this city, Cor

gress

gress have heretofore displayed a liberal policy, in which, it may be presumed, they will persevere. To give effect to such a policy will afford me peculiar satisfaction."

It may here deserve mention, that since the general peace, large bodies of distressed peasantry from various countries of the European continent, had been impelled to cross the Atlantic in search of the 'means of subsistence which their native soil no longer afforded. Many of these unfortunate emigrants, ignorant in every respect of the state of the country which they had chosen as an asylum, and destitute of every resource against immediate disappointment, found themselves soon after their arrival, in a state of forlorn and help less misery which excited at once commiseration for the immediate sufferers, and alarm for the fate of the thousands who were preparing to follow them. In this emergency M. Maurice de Furstenwaerter, by whom va rious benevolent efforts had been made to relieve the distresses of German emigrants to the United States, wisely judged it an act of patriotism to publish in Germany the following official communication received from the American government.-A document strikingly illustrative of the genius of a commonwealth.

"Washington, June 14, 1819. "Sir, I have had the honour of receiving your letter of the 22nd of April, with the enclosure of the Baron de Gagern, your relative, and a copy of your printed report: I hope, and indeed entertain no doubt, that the

latter may be of great utility to such of your countrymen as may have formed erroneous ideas withr regard to emigration from Europe to this country. It has been clearly shown to you, and you have accurately seized the idea in your report, that the government of the United States has never taken any steps to invite or encourage emigrants to come from any part of Europe to America. It has never held out any inducements to draw to this country the subjects of a foreign state. Motives of humanity have sometimes determined it to offer certain facilities to some emigrants who may have arrived here with the intention of establishing themselves here, and who had need of particular assistance for executing their intention. Neither the government of the Union, nor the different states that compose it, despise or disdain the increase of strength and prosperity which the nation might receive from a mass of new inbabitants, healthful, laborious, and temperate; nor are they more indifferent to the great advantages which this country has derived, and is still deriving, from the concourse of adopted children coming from Germany; but there is one principle on which all the institutions of this republic are founded, and which is a permanent objection to granting favours to new comers. This is not a country of privileges, but of an equality of rights. The Sovereigns of Europe grant to certain classes of individuals certain privileges, which have some object of political utility; but it is the general opinion here, that privileges

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