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that he was himself in alliance with the extent? Or do they and he condemn company. He begged of the house to sus- those proceedings, without any saving pend, till the discussion came on, their opi-clause, without a reserve or a qualification nion of the conduct of the noble marquis, of any kind, excepting perhaps the second which was approved of by the secret com- war against Tippoo Sultan? If he answers mittee of the court of directors, whose orders he was bound to obey.

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this last question in the affirmative, as I am sure he will, I then ask him what was Mr. Francis.-Sir; Before I begin what the conduct of sir George Barlow, who I intended to say on the present motion, stood next to the governor-general, and or rather on some collateral subjects con- was the first in his council? Did he ever nected with it, I beg leave to take notice oppose or even remonstrate against any of a passage in the latter part of the speech one act of lord Wellesley's government, of the hon. director on the other side (Mr.good, bad, or indifferent? Did he not viGrant). He said that the name and cha-gorously support, did he not heartily conracter of sir George Barlow ought not to be cur in all those acts? Did this conduct of called in question, because he was not here sir George Barlow entitle him to the approto defend himself; much less was it just or bation of his hon. employers, or did it meet decent to canvass the merits of any man by with their severest indignation? But now anonymous publications in the newspapers. he is immoveably fixed in his high station, That he was a person of long standing and and we ought to look forward. I think great merit in the company's service; that, not generally, but in this special case, beon this ground, he had been confirmed in cause it will not bear a retrospect.-As I the office of governor-general by an unani-perceive that the motion made by my hon. mous resolution of the court of directors, friend is not to be opposed, I shall content confirmed and ratified by a most deliberate myself with saying that I should vote for it and most solemn act of his majesty's pre- on the same general principle on which I sent government, which he had no reason have always acted. And indeed, how is to think was not the act of the whole admi- it possible, that this particular motion nistration. At all events, he was now fixed should be resisted? The papers in quesin his office by concurrent resolutions of tion have been made public by the court all the lawful authorities of this country. of directors. They have been communiThat he ought to have fair play; that his cated to a general court of proprietors, and merits should be tried by his future con- laid open to the inspection of every indiduct; and that, on no account, would it vidual owner of India stock. Can the be just to condemn the said sir George intelligence contained in such papers be Barlow unheard; with many other general called a secret? or is the house of comtopics of the same. Now, sir, I desire it to mons alone unfit to be trusted with it? be observed, that though this gentleman's Why, sir, a most material article in this name and merits have been repeatedly in- intelligence is already in print. I have troduced in this house, they never were read this day in a newspaper, an extract of mentioned, much less have they ever been a letter from lord Cornwallis, dated the 9th canvassed by me, either here or any where of August 1805, in which he tells the direcelse; and for a very good reason; because tots," that an enquiry into the state of I myself know nothing about him. In that" their finances afforded the most discouquestion I have no personal interest or in- " raging prospect; that, unless some very formation, nor a concern of any kind." speedy measures were taken to reduce What I have heard of his conduct in office, "their expences, it would be impossible from pretty good authority, is certainly to meet with effect the contingency of not in his favour. My information comes war; that the most burthensome and to me, in various ways, from the India" least useful part of the existing military House, and nominally from some gentle- expences arose from very numerous men in the direction, who, till very lately, "bodies of irregular troops, entertained made no secret of their opinion. Now I" at an expence of near 60,000l. sterling would ask the hon. director, a few plain" per month; who, if distnissed, would be and, as I think, parliamentary questions" less formidable to us in the field, than on the case in hand, if he will allow me "while they remain so distressing a drain that freedom. Do the court of directors, upon our finances! At this period, your regular troops are little short of five months, and many of your public

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does he himself approve of lord Wellesley's proceedings of what part? and to what"

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"departments, on which any movement the case as it always is, and more, or less, "of your armies depends, still more in as it always must be. An act done ten or 66 arrear!" The only expedient which twelve months ago, many hundred miles occurs to his lordship for relief, is "the north-west of Calcutta, falls under the con"detention of the treasure destined for sideration of this house. After many ad"China, viz. 200,000l. and strongly to journments, and sundry debates too, either urge the government of Madras to spare here or at the India house, some rapid re"50,000l. of the specie allotted for the solution is taken in three or four months. "service of that presidency." This is bad Another year carries back the echo of the news certainly, and impossible to be con- first intelligence from London to Lucknow, cealed. Or would it mend the matter, if to Agra, to Delhi, to Ugein, or to Nagpour. you were able and willing, to suppress it? Why, sir, long before it is possible for the I shall vote, I say, for this motion on the act or resolution here to reach its destinasame general principle, on which I bave tion, a brilliant victory has put an end not always acted, and which has been pro- only to the original question, but to all the fessed by persons of greater authority, full adverse parties concerned in it. The suras explicitly as by myself, I mean by the vivors, if any are left, and if any of them board of controul, ever since its institution, can read English, may find a sufficient conand particularly by Mr. Dundas and lord solation, where they are not very likely Castlereagh at all times. Their avowed to look for it, in the English newspapers, principle, with regard to all Indian trans-namely, that all such proceedings are seact ons or concerns, was publicity. They verely condemned by the British parlia courted, they invited discussion. On these ment; I ask pardon of the house: I am subjects, they were quite delighted to have ashamed of arguing these absurdities any their accounts examined, and their opinious sifted to the bottom. Nothing could exceed the good humour of Mr. Dundas, or the politeness of the noble lord. They always appeared to listen to me with an air of civility and sometimes, I confess, with an appearance of attention. But I hope no man suspects me of the vanity of presuming that they ever paid the least regard to any thing I said. I am sure they will both acquit me of having ever interrupted their Indian repose for one moment. For my own part, sir, I have no idea of what can be seriously meant by an Indian state secret. As to an European enemy, they are full as well informed as we are; sometimes much sooner, and much better. But perhaps the papers printed for the use of the house of commons, and our de-wise, if the army in India were strong and bates on the contents, may be carried back complete to its establishment, and as well to India, may be read by the natives, and equipped as it ought to be, I am not at all either alienate the princes of that country satisfied that there might not be an advan from us, or furnish them with dangerous tage in making it known to our enemies on information. Now, sir, I remain to be the continent. It might probably deter convinced, that, out of Calcutta and above them from attempting to disturb us in India. the rank of a Banian, there exists a Hindoo Sir, I will not descend so low as to disa Mohammedan, or a Mahratta, who ever claim any idea of personal emnity to lord did or could read, I believe I might safe- Wellesley, or to admit the possibility that ly add, who ever heard of an English news-such a disclaimer, on my part, should be paper. But, were it otherwise; the dis- necessary. I defy the acutest human tance alone would make the publication of sagacity to assign a rational motive, of any any opinions in England, on any given transaction in India, utterly useless and indifferent to those princes, who might have been originally most concerned in it. Observe

longer. The only imaginable case, in which it might be dangerous to publish any information, would be a return of the state of our military force in India, supposing it to be weak in numbers, or otherwise unprepared for service. Not that I believe that even such a publication would tell the enemy on the spot, muth more than he might easily have known without it. But is it possible that a member of this house, that any but a fool or traitor, that any man in his senses would offer such a motion? And, if he did, could such a motion prevail? Would the house suffer it to pass? Would they endure to hear it proposed? I put the case only as applied to an army greatly reduced, and actually weak or unserviceable. For other

kind, for such animosity. But, without a ray of wit or wisdom, it is easy enough to discover a very sufficient motive, which might have induced me to take an oppo

site course. Setting aside these low as tinued labour and perseverance of two-andwell as useless personalities, what has twenty years in the same unprofitable been the general current of the debate course, unsupported and alone, without this night, with only one exception? Has it thanks or reward, and now without hope. not run entirely on the rectitude of the By endeavouring, through that long portion principles exclusively attributed to lord of my life, to maintain, as I thought, right Cornwallis, and the merit of his conduct against wrong, I have incurred many enacknowledged by all men? Why? Because mities, and secured no friendship; I have the principles and the conduct, so univer- [sacrificed my happiness and my repose, and sally approved, were in direct and irrecon- forfeited every prospect of personal advancileable opposition to those of lord Welles- tage. Have you a doubt on this point? ley, whose acts were cut down, whose Look at the state of dereliction, in which whole system was subverted root and I am left. I make no complaint of what branch, without reserve, without even the is past: but I have a right to pause, and form of a personal palliation, by his noble consider how I shall proceed hereafter. I successor. Now I appeal to the honour have done so. I have considered my situaand to the justice of the house, and of tion, and I have made up my mind upon it. every man who hears me. What do all It is for others to weigh the probable conthese acknowledgments of exalted merit sequences and natural effect of the exin lord Cornwallis, and all this approba-ample, now in their view, upon the public tion of his conduct amount to, but an ad- service not only in India, but in every mission, nay much more than an admis-other department. What practical lesson sion, a positive parliamentary assertion, does it inculcate, but simply this; Take that, from first to last, every thing I have care of yourselves? I do not know that said and done about India was right? Is the instruction was much wanted; but I it possible for the court of directors, or for am sure it will not be neglected. My my right hon. friend (Mr. Fox) to concur in deliberate intention is to withdraw myself the principles, and to applaud the proceed- generally from the discussion of political ings of lord Cornwallis, and not to condemn questions purely and properly Indian, and lord Wellesley? Those extremities cannot involving any immediate British intenever meet. No human faculty can recon-rest; and specially not to take an active cile such contradictions. To endeavour to part, much less a lead in the impeachment, trim or to balance between them would be as useless and ineffectual as it would be criminal and contemptible. I shall now, sir, request the benevolent attention of the house to a short digression, by no means unconnected with the subject of this debate, though relating immediately to myself and to my own situation. It is the only return I shall ask, for a faithful service of thirty years in this department; because it is all that I expect to receive on that account. I hope the house will hear me with indulgence; and the rather as it will probably be the last time, that I shall ever address you on any interest of mine connected with the subject of India. I state it then as a narrative merely, and not to revive any former argument or difference with any man, that I passed six years in Bengal in perpetual contest and misery, and finally with the imminent hazard of my life. For the truth of this assertion, I appeal to the testimony of the hon. chairman of the court of directors, who was on the spot and knows the facts. -Then a wretched passage of ten months to England; and, from that time, a con

prosecution, or censure of any Indian de-
linquency whatsoever. This intention con-
cerns nobody but myself. I make no con-
tract with any man, and I hold myself com-
pletely at liberty to depart from it when-
ever I think proper. This, sir, is not a re-
solution wholly new in me, or suddenly
taken on the present occasion.
That prin-
cipal part of it, which relates to the invi-
dious though meritorious office of a pro-
secutor, as I still think it, was taken long
ago. I will never be concerned in im-
peaching any body. The impeachment of
Mr. Hastings has cured me of that folly.
I was tried, and he was acquitted. In all
the late proceedings concerning lord Mel-
ville, I have never uttered one word;
though, considering the contest and con-
tradiction in which I stood against Mr.
Dundas in this house for twenty years to-
gether, it cannot be denied that I had spurs
and provocations enough, if I were capable
of yielding to such motives, to stimulate
me to take part in the impeachment of
lord Melville. Nor will I now concern
myself in any proceeding to prosecute or
censure lord Wellesley. On the subject of

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'bis administration I have already done all which he has been pleased to address me, that I meant to do, and more than I pro-I cannot accede to his request. I cannot mised. What I said, was in my place. say more than I have done in favour of the What I have written, is on record. I do motion, which he wishes me to revive, and not think that, on the whole, my speech I will not expose it to the hazard of a seon the 5th of April, 1805, was ill received cond rejection. A similar motion could by any man. In particular, I do believe not be resumed by any man with greater that, generally at least, I had the concur-propriety than by himself. Whoever makes rence of the eminent person and most elo- it, shall have all the support that it is in quent minister, who is gone. He sat op-my little power to give him. On another posite to me. He gave me a fair uniuter-point the hon. and worthy director is per→ rupted attention, and, as I thought, with fectly right, and has done justice to my many expressive though silent indications opinion. I should be happy if I could im of assent. It is indeed to be regretted pute any part of the honour he has done that he yielded to the noble lord on the me this night, to personal friendship. My other side (lord Castlereagh) in setting aside acquaintance with him is too slight and of the motion of that day, though neither of too late a date to intitle me to any claim them thought fit to contradict it. They, of that kind. He says that "I have de who are disposed to enquire what I really clared the directors free from any blame meant by that proceeding, and to do me for the evils existing in India." It is true. fair and honourable justice, are requested In the transactions, to which my opinion to consult the record. I said expressly refers, the court of directors, as such, are that "the motion, with which I should not parties, and are not to be condemned. "conclude, was not directed to personal They are not merely passive, but, as I have "accusation or to parliamentary censure. reason to believe, most studiously and con"My purpose was to do a public service; stantly kept in the dark. The political "not to criminate, but to correct; by en-power of the court is in fact confined to a "gaging the house of commons to revert select committee of three, who alone are to their principles, to avow them once intrusted with the state secrets of the 66 more, and to adhere to them hereafter." company, and who deliberate and transact I thought it would have strengthened lord with nobody but the president of the board Cornwallis, and assisted him essentially in of controul. These two powers keep faith his endeavours to satisfy the minds and with one another; that is, they observe a to recover the confidence of the Mahratta profound silence not only to the public, chiefs and other princes of India. For but even to their colleagues in the direc though I believe that his name, and their tion, until the secret bursts of itself with ruin opinion of his personal character might on their heads. The noble lord near me have gone a great way in reconciling them (lord Temple) who, I perceive with sorrow, to the British government, still it would is not so lavish as he has been heretofore, have been a powerful auxiliary argument in favouring me with the title of his hon. in his hand, if he had been specially com- friend," declares that lord Wellesley has missioned by the house of Commons to acted always, as to the great points in declare to them, in the name of his coun- question, under the orders or instructions try, that he had a security to offer them, of this secret committee. It may be so. which would not perish with him; that the The house of commons have no knowledge principles he professed, and the pledge he of the documents the noble lord alludes to; gave them for their future tranquillity, nor have I ever seen a single line of them. were not confined to the life of any indi- If lord Wellesley has such orders to plead, vidual. They were the permanent princi- undoubtedly he will produce them in his ples and the irrevocable pledge, by which own justification. Until I see what they the legislature of Great Britain had de- contain, I can say nothing on that subject. clared they would be bound for ever. I With respect to the declaration, which I agree with the hon. director (Mr. Huddle- have made this night, I wish to add a few stone) in lamenting that so useful and words before I conclude, because it is of inoffensive a proposition should have been importance to me that my meaning should rejected, and that so favourable an oppor-not be misunderstood. I am not, nor will tunity of applying it should have been lost. I be, standing counsel for the company, or But while I acknowledge and thank him for the nation, on the subject of India. for the kind and honourable terms, in I have laboured too long, I need hardly

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return home, with accusation instead of acclamation. He wished the noble marquis's conduct to be sifted, however; as, the more it was sifted, the more the result would be to his honour.

say, without fee or reward, in that un- That rajah had received one third more than thankful and most invidious office. Has his right of the country conquered from any individual, or any party, has this Scindia, and it was immediately after rehouse, or has the nation, a right to expect ceiving that boon, that his treacherous conmore of me? Neither am I able, if I were nection with Holkar was discovered. ever so well disposed, to continue this un-to marquis Wellesley, he knew little of him availing labour. My spirits are exhausted. but as a public man; he had no hesitation My mind is subdued. And, if it were to say, however, that he considered him otherwise, my assistance now is not so as the greatest statesman that had ever been necessary in this department as I have in India. Such a man exercising such tathought it hitherto. Several younger men lents for the public good, was rather hardwith a spirit as high as their rank, and ofly treated, when he was received, on his great ability, are coming forward in this line. I congratulate the house and the country on this flattering appearance and promise on the part of the rising generation. They will do more than I could, and much more than supply the little place, Lord Folkestone rose and said: Mr. which I have occupied. I hope they will Speaker; the hon. bart. (sir T. Metcalfe) not be discouraged by difficulties or by below me, has in his speech renewed the labour, nor even by the example that has charge just brought by the noble lord been made of their humble predecessor. (Temple) below him, of treachery on the Above all things, I conjure this house once part of the Rajah of Bhurtpore. I will not more, not to throw any discouragement in at present enter into that transaction; betheir way. I have stated my intention clear-cause it is likely to be more fully discussed ly; but, again I say, I am my own master, to-morrow, and is therefore now premature, and I will give no account of my future con- and because perhaps I know less of the duct to any man. There is one view only, motion than I ought. But on the first in which I shall at all times hold myself blush of the business I must say, that the bound to attend to future proceedings in term treachery seems to be here most parliament on questions connected with strangely applied. This rajah is a native the India company; nor is it possible for prince of India, having natural connections me to do otherwise, without abdicating the with the country; we have none such, but duties of my station in this house. As are really invaders, seeking to establish a long as I have the honour of a seat in par- dominion and to acquire an empire. In liament, I shall watch and take care, to the these circumstances, if these or other nautmost of my power, to prevent the finan- tive chiefs should take measures for preces of Britain from being ruined by those of venting us, or for expelling us, it seems to India. I have now passed more than 30 me that it might be attributed to other years in endeavouring to support the law- dispositions than those of perfidy, and such. ful authority of the East-India company conduct be called by another name than over their nominal servants abroad; to treachery. However, we shall hear more guard their rights, and to protect their pro- of this hereafter.-I should not, sir, have perty from ruin. I have laboured to pre-made this observation, if I had not been serve the peace of India, and to shelter the native princes of that unfortunate country from injustice, conquest, and oppression. In the execution of these labours I confess I have had no success, nor scarce a good word from any man: the only duty that is now left to me, the only chance I yet have of being useful either to this country or even to the India company, is to protect England not against the company, but against India and its government.

called up by something else which fell, in the course of his speech, from the hon. bart. He complains that my lord Wellesley's character is continually attacked by a sidewind; and of the ungenerous reception which he has met with on his return to this country. Now, it seems to me, I confess, very natural, and I am sure it is very competent, for members of this house, who have the good of the country at heart, to make the enquiries and to stir the quesSir T. Metcalfe read a passage from a let-tions, which the hon. bart. complains of ter of lord Lake to the governor-general, in For when we consider what we have witwhich the treachery of the rajah of Bhurt-nessed in the last 12 months, and what we pore was placed in the strongest light.now daily hear on the subject of India af

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