has not given it as it really took place. I very | but remain there to take care of our friend much lament this, because in the present the Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands, degraded state of the British Press, the or whatever he is called, and to protect Morning Chronicle and Statesman are him and his new dominions from the apthe only daily newspapers in which the prehensions he entertains from his new public has a chance of finding any thing subjects and his old neighbours. It seems like the truth; and if Mr. Perry, no to be totally forgotten also, that Commismatter from what motives, is to be in- sary General Sir Hugh Robert Kennedy, duced to withhold from us any thing of Knight, and Commissary General Sir importance on our side of the question, Charles Henry Dalrymple, Knight, and and Mr. Lovell is to be continued in his Commissary General Sir Charles Edward imprisonment in Newgate, no matter how Eylmir, Knight, (one Scotch, one Irish, or why; in these cases, the only two and one English, to properly represent sources we have of genuine information Mr. John Bull in his triple capacity) are will be completely shut up, and we must at present most actively occupied in, what look to the polluted streams of the Times is called according to the technical phrase and the Courier, for whatever filth and of office, winding up the accounts of the falsehood they choose to cram down Peninsula, where a sum of no less than our throats--However, taking Mr. Perry's thirteen millions, for which bills either account (for we have no other,) to be an are or will be drawn upon the English accurate one, I beg leave to trouble you treasury, remains to be provided for. with a few observations, that occur to me even from so imperfect an account of the proceedings of that day. The enormous expence which must attend the bringing home of our American army; the unsettled Ordinance accounts; the charges of Transport, and various other branches of the public service, which, supposing the ratification of peace to arrive in the earliest possible time, must of necessity continue so long, that this year will probably expire before any effectual reduction can take place, will obviously create an expence so enormous, that not only will the Property Tax, or some other equally productive, be neces, sary to meet it, but a loan of at least twenty millions will be required for the service of the current year. The trifling reduction which has taken place in the navy, can hardly be said at all to diminish our expence in that branch of service; and I am quite satisfied that the Prince Regent's week's merry making at Jubilee fair, and the feasting and dancing of the Allied Sovereigns, who honoured us with their company last Summer, will cost a much greater sum than will have been saved by the paying off the few ships that have been placed in ordinary. The public cannot but be much in debted to you for the manly manner in which you met the question, and, without reference either to Whigs or Tories, without thinking either of Lord Grey or Lord Grenville, or Mr. Pitt's six per cent. or Mr. Fox's ten per cent. at once declaring openly and above aboard, that in the present state of our expenditure, this tax must go on, or a substitute for it be provided. The fact is, the Government cannot go on without resources to the amount which it produces. It is understood that the war with America cost upon an average a million a month. Speaking from mentory only, I believe the Property Tax produced about twenty millions a year. Thus, therefore, at the first blush, it would appear that even during the continuance of the American war, this tax produced a surplus of eight millions, and that, therefore, when the war ceased, of course the Property Tax ought to cease also. But the very opposite is the fact; and although by the fa- No effectual reduction has certainly vourable issue of the negociations at taken place at home. If we except the Ghent, a very considerable saving will no reduction of the Militia, and a few superdoubt be made; yet it appears to be numary officers of the line placed on half totally forgotten, that we have an army pay, nothing that can be called an imin America of from 30 to 40,000 men, portant saving has been made. It is and another in Holland of nearly twice true, a few second battalions have been that amount. The army in America can- reduced. But how? Why by drafting not be brought home for at least six the men to their respective first battamonths to come; and that in Belgium, Ilions; and thus the only diminution suppose, will not be brought home at all, of expence is the mere difference between ON AMERICA, R. II. M. the full and half pay of a set of meritorious | paid by the consciousness that the How is it possible then that the Income Tax can be dispensed with, while such tremendous draughts as these are made upon the public purse? We begin at the wrong end. Instead of meeting to petition for the repeal of this tax, we should petition for the diminution of the expence which occasions its necessity. In that case we should have reason on our side, for it is palpable and apparent that while the present most frightful expenditure is suffered to continue, it is impossible to suppose but that a system of taxation sufficiently productive must be adapted to meet it.—I remain, &c. AMERICA. CIVIS. SIR,--The acquaintance I consider myself to have formed with you, through the channel of your valuable Register, and feeling confident you will pardon my presumption, induce me to intrude the enclosed on your attention; and if not contrary to your regulations, and you should deem it worthy of insertion in your useful publication, I can only say it will particularly oblige a young man, who has imbibed from your instruction and exam ple an ardent love of liberty, and who has witnessed the late efforts, of the Americans to maintain their independence, with admiration, and the termination of the contest with the greatest satisfaction. Should any request be thought too presumptuous, I shall at any rate be re HAIL! happy land-the blest abode, To taste the sweets of LIBERTY; To seek the promis'd land, th' Asylum of mankind. Hail! land of FREEDOM,-Genius there. care, The mind unshackled, and restraints un- The RIGHTS OF MANare there display'd, The equal laws, which WISDOMplann'd; shewn, Hurl Priesteraft to the dust, and Despotism THE CONGRESS. fied and immaculate characters. It in no slight degree to confirm the opinion which so many entertain upon this sub MR. COBBETT.--Although it may be hazardous to canvass, at present, theject with myself, that the only monarch who has uniformly been the decided enemotives of our generous, and just allies, yet I think that their proceedings form my of Napoleon, remains the victim of yet I think that their proceedings form his sincere hostility, without exciting either a very prominent subject for general the friendly commiseration, or the notice animadversion. Perhaps, previously to of those monarchs to whom he set the entering into any review of their conduct, it may be as well to say a few first example of resistance and resolution. words relative to the exaggerated expec- too fond of war, and perhaps deranged; I am not justifying his conduct; he was tations, generally formed as to the rebut God knows if these are just reasons sult of the deliberations of these digni- for the deposition of legitimate kings, the "decks would soon be swabbed," of half the regal list of former times. The person I allude to is Gustavus of Sweden, who has lost his own kingdom in the cause for which ourselves and our magnanimous allies pretend to have been fighting--the restoration of the old order of things on the continent. Now, Sir, has not this Gustavus a much greater right to claim "indemnity" than any of them? And would it not do more credit to the character of the Russian Autocrat, to set the crown of Poland upon the head of Gustavus, than to pocket it himself, or give it to his brother? It was my intention to have seriously canvassed the claims of Russia to Poland; but, really, Sir, it would be paying them a compliment which they do not deserve. Reason need not com as was certainly imagined by a great majo- bat the principles that have no foundation but power-no right but force, JUVENIS. PUBLIC REJOICING. Mr. COBBETT.---The public who sa greedily rejoiced, and feasted, and illuminated, and were beyond measure elated at the downfall of Buonaparte, as an event that could not fail to do for England all their hearts could desire; (in which, by the by, they now begin to see they were mistaken,) that public having suffered the late happy peace with America, which I consider to be far more beneficial to the true interests of our country and the world, to pass by without any illumination, or other more rational mode of expressing their joy, I, who am sorry for the omission, have considered what it would have cost me to illuminate on that occasion, and determined to devote that sum as far as it will go, to the purchase of your valuable Register. By so doing, I shall materially gratify myself, pay the debt of gratitude to those principles, whose aim it has always been to bring about that peace, and as far as humble efforts go, to contribute to their spread and encourage- No. 1.---Copy of a Letter from Messrs. Adams, ment. I shall also shew my admiration of the writer, whom I consider to be the only one I know, that has set the matter of America in its true light; and whom I respect, (as far as I know, which is only by his Register, as a sound patriot, clear writer, and an honest man. If you were to publish this in your Register, perhaps it might induce others to do the same, or something like it; and it is an opportunity for the friends of freedom, to encourage her cause, without any extra expence to themselves. For few, or none, of the friends of peace, I presume, (save those who abstain from principle,) would have declined to light up, if it had been generally the case. I speak more particularly to the inhabitants of towns. Those in the country, who would have spent money on the occasion, in other ways, but did not, because they had not the opportunity, also adopt the same plan. I embrace this occasion, Sir, to thank you for your past efforts, for your country's good. Go on, I entreat you, in the useful work you have so long, and so admirably conducted. The time is coming, I hope, when your labours will be justly appreciated, and produce good fruit. War having ceased, corruption has lost half its food. The necessity of strict economy, and the ill effects of extravagant expenditure, and the chimerical ideas we have entertained, will occasion reflection, and that must shew us the true causes of the mischief, may Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Gallatin, to the Secretary of State, dated Ghent, Oct. 95, 1814. SIR,---We have the honour of transmitting herewith, copies of all our correspondence with the British Plenipotentiaries, since the departure of Mr. Dallas. Although the negociation has not ter minated so abruptly as we expected at that period that it would, we have no reason to retract the opinion which we then expressed, that no hopes of peace as likely to result from it, could be enter tained. It is true, that the terms which the British Government had so peremptorily prescribed at that time, have been apparently abandoned, and that the sine qua non then required as a preliminary to all discussion upon other topics, has been reduced to an article securing merely an Indian pacification, which we have agreed to accept, subject to the ratification or rejection of our Government. But you will perceive that our request for the exchange of a projet of a Treaty has been eluded, and that in their last note, the British Plenipoteutiaries have advanced a demand not only new and inadmissible, but totally incompatible with their uniform previous declarations, that Great Britain had no view in this negociation to any acquisition of tenitory. It will be perceived that this new pretension was brought forward immediately after the accounts had been received that a British force had taken possession of all that part of the State of Massachusetts, situate East of Penobscot river. The British Plenipotentiaries have invariably referred to their Government every note received from us, and waited the return of their messenger and dispose the whole community to ad- before they have transmitted to us their answer; mire, and imitate those principles which would have prevented it; and to follow which affords now the best chance of restoration to that happy state we were once in. Heartily wishing this consummation, I am your admirer and well-been, to keep the alternative of peace or a protracted wisher, and the whole tenor of the correspondence, as well as the manner in which it has been conducted on the part of the British Government, have concurred to convince us, that their object has been delay; their motives for this policy we presume to have W. W. STATE PAPERS. war in their own hands, until a general arrangement of European affairs should be accomplished at the Congress of Vienna, and until they could avail themselves of the advantages, which they have anticipated from the success of their arms, during Message to the Senate and House of Re-the present campaign in America. Although the presentatives of the United States. Itransmit, for the information of Congress, the communications last received from the Ministers Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ghent, explaining the course and actual state of their negociation with the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain. JAMES MADISON. Dec 1, 1814. Sovereigns who had determined to be present at the Congress of Vienna have been already several weeks assembled there, it does not appear by the last advices from that place that the Congress has been formally opened. On the contrary, by a declaration from the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers, who were parties to the peace of Paris of 30th May last, the opening of the Congress appears to have been postponed to the first of November. verament of the United States, a more satisfactory A memorial is said to have been presented by the No. IX.-NOTE from the British to the American Ministers.--October 21, 1814. The undersigned have had the honour of receiving the note of the American Plenipotentiaries, of the 13th instant, communicating the acceptance of their article, which the undersigned had prepared on the subject of the pacification and rights of the Indian Nations. The undersigned are happy in being thus relieved from the necessity of recurring to several topics, which though they arose in the course of their discussions, have only an incidental connection with the differences remaining to be adjusted between the two countries. With a view to this adjustment, the undersigned preferring, in the present state of the negotiation, a general statement to the formal arrangement of articles, are willing so far to comply with the request of the American Plenipotentiaries, contained in their last note, as to waive the advantage to which they think they were fairly entitled, of requiring from them the first projet of a treaty. The undersigned havving stated at the first conference the points, upon which his Majesty's Government considered the discussions between the two countries as likely to turn, cannot better satisfy the request of the American Plenipotentiaries than by referring them 10 that conference for a statement of the points, which in the opinion of his Majesty's Government, yet remain to be adjusted. With respect to the forcible seizure of marines from on board mercant vessels on the high seas, and the right of the King of Great Britain to the allegiance of all his native subjects, and with respect to the maritime rights of the British Empire, the undersigned conceive, that after the pretensions asserted by the Go this subject has already undergone, that the North BORN, WILLIAM ADAM. No. X.---NOTE from the American to the Bri- The undersigned have the honour to acknowledge 1 |