discontent. I know it is the belief of rers, and all those sort of persons who many, that a State Religion is necessary derive their existence from teaching, for the well being of the community, and pleasing, or bamboozling others. He that if deprived of it we should be re- will also perceive that there is no more duced to the greatest anarchy and con- reason to expect that religion, religious fusion. That morality is requisite to pre- houses, and dealers in religion, would be serve good order, I admit; but, at the done away with if not commanded by same time, I must contend, that a wise law, than there is to suppose than an Government might by its civil code alone, act of parliament expedient to prevent sufficiently protect the morals of the the practice of eating and drinking; people, and secure the public peace, Conventicles of dissenters are supported without requiring or compelling them to in a much more equitable way than the conform to any particular mode of Faith. steeple houses, of the state religion; On the fundamental principles of mo- they are upheld entirely by the voluntary rality, most people are agreed, because contributions of those who are pleased they are taught by experience that the with the performances exhibited there. observance of them is essential to their But while a man subscribes towards an happiness both individually and collec- Institution congenial with his ideas, is it tively; but when the innumerable chine- not a great hardship that he should be ras of faith and superstition are intro- compelled to pay tythes and rates, to duced and enforced, the flames of strife a priesthood whose doctrines he may not and contention are immediately kindled, approve, and to build, repair, and beau the harmony of society is interrupted, tify their costly temples, although he has the dearest ties of friendship and kindred never set a foot in them. Some would often severed, all the baser passions of call this mode of conduct EXTORTION, the heart called into action; and this too a term too coarse for me to use; but I by the very systems which pretend to express my sentiments by saying, that teach us meekness humility and brotherly the Merry Andrew who raises his booth love. If it be objected, that morality in Smithfield during the period of Barthoalone is not sufficient to restrain the bulk lomew fair, gains his livelihood in an hoof mankind, and that certain exotic nest manner, because he only receives doctrines must be kept in vogue to facili- his stipulated price from such as are tate the government of the vulgar, I pleased with his cunning tricks, or dexwould answer, that neither the sincere trous exploits. He does not go round from nor the political lover of religion can house to lrouse, throughout the neighbourhave just grounds to fear on that account. hood, and extort so much a head from The admirer of general piety cannot the inhabitants, merely because their for a moment conceive that steeple residence stood contiguous to his show; houses, and priests, have any thing to do nor does he tell them for their only conwith morality, or that it requires pompous solation, that they might have come and ceremonies and pantomimical mummeries witnessed his juggling if they had chose. to keep the spark alive. On the contrary, It will easily be perceived, that I wish if he reflect seriously, he will agree with every man to deal where he likes best, but me, that it is much more likely to perish not to quarrel with his neighbour for beneath the weight of the innumerable purchasing the same article at another formalities, and tradesman like attentions place. Surely no fair tradesman would of a state religion. The crafty statesman presume to demand the price of his who like Strabo, a despiser of all kind of commodity from those who have not superstition for himself, yet contends that partaken of it. A state religion is a some buyers are necessary for the vulgar, institution that can only thrive under need not fear that exotic doctrines the auspices of aristocracy or kingship; would be less taught or of less effect if not it is seldom cherished in democracies. enforced by law. If he has any insight In the genuine republic of America no into the state of society, or the nature such a thing can exist, because their of man he perceives that the greater part constitution acknowledges a universál of our species must necessarily be depri-right of conscience, worship, and artizanved of the means and opportunity of ship. This being the case, a man's thinking for themselves, and consequently religious opinions do not disqualify him that there will always be priests, conju- from becoming a member either of the

1

representative or executive departments" when, in the very same house, the of government, which being composed father, the mother, the children, each of persons of all denominations, prevents" follows peaceably, and without opposithe people from having one particular" tion, that mode of worship which he system crammed down their throats; "prefers! I have been more than once and if such a measure was attempted it a witness of this spectacle which nowould gain no stability, because the "thing that I had ever seen in Europe citizens of the United States possess the could have prepared me to expect. happy privilege of dismissing their On the days consecrated to religion, public servants, from the lowest to the "all the individuals of the same family highest, at stated periods, in case they set out together; each went to the misconduct themselves; for even the "minister of his own sect; and they head servant in that country is not, like "afterwards returned home; to employ that of some others, incapable of doing "themselves in their common domestic wrong or being cashiered.-To prove "concerns. This diversity of opinion that this unlimited toleration is more "did not produce any in their feelings, productive of harmony than the blind or in their habits; there were no disintolerance of other governments, I shall conclude with the remarks of Talleyrand in the same work to which I referred in the beginning of this letter. "--Inclination, or if you please, habit, 'incessantly attracts the Americans to"wards England: interest does so still more; for the first and most important eager to afford a triumph of his doc"consideration in a new country is, "trine, by infaming the minds of men, "without doubt, to increase its riches. "far from finding, as in other places, "The proof of such a general disposi-" persons disposed to enlist under his "tion manifests itself every where in " banner, he is scarcely even perceived America: we find 'evidence of it in by his neighbours; his enthusiasm every part of their condnct. The cus- "is neither attractive nor interesting; "toms, with regard to religion, are he inspires neither hatred nor curiosity: "themselves strongly tinctured with it. « in short, every one perseveres steadI will mention the result of what I fastly in his own religious opinions, "have observed in this respect; its and uninterruptedly prosecutes bis connexion with my subject cannot temporal concerns. This apathy, fail to be perceived. We know that which cannot be roused by the most "in England, religion has preserved a furious spirit of proselytism, and which powerful influence over the mind; it is our present business to point out, "that even the most independent phi- "not to account for, certainly takes its losophy has not there dared to divest "immediate rise from the perfect tolera"itself of religious ideas; from the time. "tion of the different sects of religion. "of Luther, all sects have found their "In America no form of worship is proway thither; that all have maintained scribed, no one established by law; "and themselves, and that many have there" therefore there are no disturbances about taken their rise. We know the share religion. But this perfect toleration has which they have had in the great" itself a principle; which is, that religion, political changes; in short, that all although it is there every where a real "have been transplanted into America," sentiment, is more especially a sentiment "and that some of the states owe their "of habit; all the ardor of the moment "origin to them. It appears, at first," is employed about the means of speed"as if these sects would, after their" ily improving worldly prosperity; and "transmigration, preserve their original hence results the chief cause of the. state, and it is natural to conclude" entire calm of the Americans, respect"that they might likewise agitate Ame-" ing every thing which is not, according rica. But how great is the surprise of" to this constitution of their minds, either "the traveller, when he sees them all" a medium or an obstacle."I am, "co-exist in that perfect calm which, as dear Sir, your's, &c. ERASMUSPERKINS, "it would seem, can never be ruffled; London, Jan. 30, 1815

putes, not even a question on the subject. Religion there seems to be an "individual secret, which no one "thinks that he has a right to doubt or "to investigate. Thus, when there "arrives in America, from any country of Europe, an ambitious sectary,

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AMERICAN DOCUMENTS,--As our justment of the differences subsisting between the Government has not thought it expedi- two States, with an earnest desire on their part to ent, like the free Government of America, bring them to a favourable issue, upon principles of to publish any part of the proceedings perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estabat Ghent, and as the American newspa-lished maxims of public law, and with the maritime pers have not, since the commencement rights of the British Empire.' This fact alone of the war, been delivered regularly on might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have their arrival in this country, I have been been expected that the American Government, in under the necessity of laying the official acceding to this proposition, should have extended documents before my readers as they its terms, and furnished the undersigned with inreached me, without any regard to the structions authorising them to treat with the British order of their dates.-This irregularity Plenipotentiaries respecting Indians situated within sias occasioned a chasm in the publication the boundaries of the United States. That such of these documents, which I intend to fill expectation was not entertained by the British Goup, as they arrive, in future numbers of vernment might also have been inferred from the exthe Register. It may be thought, that plicit assurances which the British Plenipotentiaries as the war is at end, the proceedings at gave, on the part of their Government at the first Ghent have now lost all their interest.conference which the undersigned had the honour To me, however, who regard that war, of holding with them, that no events, subsequent its causes, the wonderful events that took to the first proposal for this negotiation, had, in place during its continuance, and the conany manner, varied either the disposition of the sequesces it must produce, as the most British Government, that it might terminate in a astonishing occurrences recorded in his- peace honourable to both parties, or the terms upon tory, and as of the greatest importance which they would be willing to conclude it. It is to the cause of freedom, and the happi- well known that the differences which unhappily ness of the human race. To me, who subsist between Great Britain and the United States, contemplate the subject in this light, and which ultimately led to the present war, were no official document, however minute, wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally that bears any reference to this glorious from the British Orders in Council, in relation to struggle, can appear of a trivial or unin-blockades, and from the impressment of mariners teresting nature; far less can I consider documents illustrative of the more important topics under the, discussion of the parties, as undeserving of notice.

on board of American vessels. The boundary of the Indian territory had never been a subject of difference between the two countries. Neither the principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the maritime rights of the British Empire could Ex-require the permanent establishment of such boun dary. The novel pretension now advanced could no more have been anticipated by the Government of the United States, in forming instructions for this negoeiation, than they seem to have been conteinplated by that of Great Britain in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's Note makes the termination of the war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment of the differences then subsisting be

The Ministers Plenipotentiary and traordinary of the United States to the Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Majesty.

"Ghent, Aug. 24, 1814. The undersigned, Ministers Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary from the United States of America, have given to the official Note which they have had the honour of receiving from his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now that of transmitting to them their answer on the sexeral points to which it refers. They would prosent to the consideration of the British Plenipotentiaries, that Lord Castlereagh, in his letter of the 4th of November, 1813, to the American Secretary of State, pledges the faith of the British Government, that they were willing to enter into discussion with the Government of America for the conciliatory ad

tween the two States, and on no other condition whatever. Nor could the American Government have foreseen that Great Britain, in order to obtain peace for the Indians, residing within the domi nions of the United States, whom she had induced to take part with her in the war, would demand that they should be made parties to the treaty between

the two nations, or that the boundaries of their lands should be permanently and irrevocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to (To be continued,)

Printed and Published by G, HOUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded,

VOL. XXVII. No. 6.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 11, 1815.

[Price 15.

161]

No. II.-CORN BILL.

[162

have fallen in price a full third, if not a half. Timber has fallen in an equal proportion. The food for the horse and the seed for the land must always be in price upon a perfect level with the mar ket corn.-Well, then, what are the other expences of a farm? The rent and the tythe. The latter must keep pace. with the price of corn, seeing that the tythe owner always takes his tenth, whether it be of cheap corn or dear corn; and, as to the rent, if the tenant has now the worst of it, the landlord has had the worst of it, and will have the worst of

TO THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE. The " AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY," who hold their meetings at Winchester, have framed a PETITION to Parliament for a Corn Bill; that is to say, for some law to prevent corn from being brought from abroad, until the price of English con, is higher than it now is; or, in other words, a law to make corn dearer than it now is. This Petition they have published in the County papers, and, it appears, that they have sent blank Peti-it again if corn should become dear from tions to the several Market-towns in the causes other than bad seasons.--Besides, County, there to be signed, for the pur- the real great cause of the present low pose of being presented all together. prices, is, the three abundant and dry For the greater part of the gentlemen, harvests which we have had in uniwho have adopted this measure, I en- terrupted succession; for, though, in tertain respect; and those whom I do some parts, the wheat was much blighted not know, are, I presume, equally en- last year, the deficiency of crop, was far titled to the respect of their several from being general, and it was the wheat neighbours. The motives, too, of these only that was not a most abundant crop, gentlenen, I suppose to be laudable.and of that grain there was a pro-ligious 3t, I am convinced, that they have taken quantity on hand of the crop of the year aeroneous view of the matter, and before. Now, when a farmer grows five that the measure they recommend would quarters upon an acre, is it reasonable be injurious to the people at large and to for him to expect as high a price per land-owners and occupiers themselves. quarter as when he grows two quarters Therefore, if any sufficient number of and a half? Are not the five quarters at persons are willing to stand forward in 40s, a quarter as good as two quarters opposition to the above-mentioned peti- and a half at 80s, a quarter?-The tion, by the means of an open Meeting consequences of making corn dearer than of the County, I shall be happy to join it would be, are first, the making of in such opposition.In making, however, all other food dearer; second, the ruin, this proposition, it will be justly demand-in a short time, of many of our manus ed of me that I state the reasons, on facturers, because it is impossible to which the opposition is to be founded; believe that we could expect goods as and this I shall now do in as clear a cheap as those which would be made manner as I am able consistent with in countries where food is to be had for brevity. The Petition states, that all the a third part of the price of that which expences of a farm are nearly as high as would be eaten by our manufacturers, eter, and that the taxes are full as high. and amongst the articles of our manuThe latter is correct; the former is not. facturers, the raw materials for many wages at Botley were from 15s. to come from our own soil, as wool, 18s, a week they are now from 10s. to skins, flax, lead, iron, tin, copper and 125. a week. Bricklayers, Carpenters, coals; third,persons of fixed incomes, who Smiths, Wheelwrights, have all come are great consumers of our produce as down one fourth in their prices. Horses well as employers of our tradesmen, woul

Our

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tion. During the late war, several laws were passed restricting the liberty of the Press and of public discussion. I will join in no Petition, which does not include a prayer for the repeal of these laws, for a repeal of the Alien Act, and for a constitutional reform in the representation of the people in the Commons' House of Parliament. With those who regard the Belly and the Purse, and are careless about their rights and liberties as Englishmen, I wish to have nothing to do. For the sufferings of such persons I have no compassion; and, indeed, the more they suffer the better I am pleased.

go to France and to other countries, where they could live upon cheap food, in cheap houses; and have cheap servants, horses and carriages; and, soon after these would follow many of our manufacturers, and these the most clever and enterprising; fourth, our commercial ship-building would follow the fate of the manufactures, and also the employment of our ships as carriers, seeing that the ships of other countries, particularly of America, would be built so much cheaper and would also sail so much cheaper. These are only a part of the consequences to be apprehended from any measure, calculated to make corn dear; but they are quite sufficient to induce me to oppose such a measure. If I am asked, how the English farmer is to contend with the French farmer, while the former has so many and such heavy taxes to pay, of which the latter knows nothing, I answer, take off English taxes, 'till the English farmer is able to contend with the French farmer; and then I'll warrant it, that we beat the farmers of France, that we undersell them, and that our manufacturers live as cheap, and sell cheaper than any manufacturers in the world. I am clearly of opinion, that taxes may be taken off to this extent without any injury to the credit, the safety, or the peace of the country; but I must be very plain upon this head, and expressly say, that with those who do not think that this ought to be done, I wish net to join in any petition against a Corn Bill; because I am certain, that it is impossible for MORE THAN ONE HALF OF THE PRESENT TAXES TO BE RAISED, UNLESS THE PRICE BE KEPT UP, ON To the High Sheriff of the County of

To men of other minds I now address myself.-It is inconvenient to most people to go to any particular place to sign a Requisition to the Sheriff; and, therefore, I publish the following Circular Requisition, in imitation of the Circular Petition of the Agricultural Society. This Requisition may be copied upon a sheet of paper and signed by as many persons, in any town or place, as choose to sign it. The paper, thus signed, may then be sent to me, at Botley near Southampton, before the 1st day of March; and, if I receive Requisitions, the signatures to the whole of which amount to one hundred, I will wait upon the Sheriff If I do not, I shall have done with them. my utmost in opposition to the Corn Bill; I shall leave the dear loaf and heavy taxes to jog quietly on together; and to hear the whinings and grumblings of those who feel the grievance, and yet want the spirit to use the lawful means of getting rid of it, will be an ample compensation to me for the portion of the grievance that will fall to my lot.

SIR,

Southampton.

AN AVERAGE OF YEARS, TO ABOUT 120s. PER QUARTER OF GOOD WHEAT. To reduce the taxes one half, the whole of the standing army We, the undersigned Freeholders and must be disbanded; the Horse Guards other Landholders, Tradesmen and Mamust lose its brilliancy and power; the nufacturers, of the County of Southamp navy must come back to its state of ton, perceiving, that, in various parts of 1788; and a vast reduction must be the Kingdom, evil disposed or misguided made in the Civil List.-I am for THESE persons are endeavouring to prevail on the REDUCTIONS and for NO CORN Legislature to impose duties on theImpor BILL. With persons who are for NO tation of Corn, and, being convinced, that CORN BILL and are AGAINST THESE such a measure would grievously oppress REDUCTIONS I cannot join; because the labouring classes, would be ruinous it would be joining in senseless clamour to tradesmen and manufacturers, would, and popular delusion.-There is yet ano-in the end, be injurious to the growers of ther point of great importance to men- corn and the owners of land themselves,