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discontent.--I know it is the belief of, rers, and all those sort of persons who inany, that a State Religion is necessary derive tlieir existence from teaching, for the well being of the community, and pleasing, or bamboozling others. He that if deprived of it we should be re- will also perceive that there is no more duced to the greatest anarchy and con- reason to expect tliat religion, religious fusion. That morality is requisite to pre- houses, and dealers in religion, would be serve good order, I admit; but, at the done away with if not commanded by same time, I must contend, that a wise law, than there is to suppose than an Ciovernment might by its civil code alone, act of parliament expedie:it to prevent ufficiently protect the morals of the the practice of eating and drinking; people, and secure the public peace, Conventicles of dissenters are supported without requiring or compelling them to in a much more equitable way than the conforın to any particular mode of Faith. steeple houses of the state religion;

On the fundamental principles of mo- they are upheld entirely by the voluntary rality, most people are agreed, because | contributions of those who are pleased they are taught by experience that the with the performances exhibited there. observance of them is essential to their But wbile a man subscribes towards an happiness both individually and collec- Institution congenial with his ideas, is it lively; but when the innumerable chine- not a great baruship that he should be ras of faith and superstition are intro- compelled to pay iythes and rates, to duced and enforced, the flames of strite a priesthood wluse doctrines he may not evd contention are immediately kindled, approve, and to build, repair, and beau the harmony of society is interrupted, tify their costly temples, although he has the dearest ties of friendship and kindred never set a font in them. Some would often severed, all the baser passions of call this mode of conduct EXTORTION, the heart called into action; and this too a term too coarse for me to use; but I by the very systems which pretend to express my sentiments by saying, that teach us meekness huinility and brotherly the Merry Audrew who raises his bootla love. If it be objected, that morality in Smithtield during the period of Barthoalone is not sufficient to restrain the bulk lomew fair, gains his livelihood in an hoof mankind, and that certain exntic nest manner, because he only receives doctrines must be kept in vogne to facili- bis stiprlated price from such as are tate the government of te vulgar, I pleased with his cunning tricks, or dexwould answer, that neither the sincere trous exploits. He does not go round from Ror the political lover of religion can house to lrouse, throughout the neighbourhave just grounds to fear on that account. hood, and extort so much a head from The admirer of general piety cannot the inhabitants, merely because their for a moment conceive that steeple residence stood contiguous to his show; houses, and priests, have any thing to do nor does he tell them for their only conwith morality, or that it requires poinpous solation, that they might have come and ceremonies and pantomimical mummeries witnessed his juggling if they had chose. to keep the spark alive. On the contrary, it will easily be perceived, that I wish if he reflect seriously, he will agree with every man to deal where he likes best, but me, that it is much more likely to perish not to quarrel with his neighbour for beneath the weight of the innumerable purchasing the same article at another formalities, and tradesman like attentions place. Surely no fair tradesman would of a state religion. The crafty statesman presume to demand the price of bis who like Strabo, a despiser of all kind of cominodity from those who have not superstition for himself, yet coutends that partaken of it. A state religion is a some buyers are necessary for the vulgar, institution that can only thrive under peed not fear that exotic doctrines the auspices of aristocracy or kingship; would be less taught or of less effect if not it is seldom cherished in democracies. enforced by law. If he has any insight in the genuine republic of America no into the state of society, or the nature such a thing can exist, because their of man he perceives that the greater part constitution acknowledges a universal of our species must necessarily be depri- right of conscience, worship, and artizan ved of the means and opportunity of ship. This being the case, a 'man's thinking for themselves, and consequently religious opinions do not disqualify hire that there will always be priests, conju- from becoming a member either of the

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representative or executive departments " when, in the rery same house, the of government, which being composed" father, the mother, the children, each of persons of all denominations, prevents follows peaceably, and without opposithe people from having one particular “ tion, that mode of worship which he systein crammed down their throats ; prefers! I have been more than once and if such a measure was attempted it witness of this spectacle which nowould gain no stability, because the " thing that I had ever seen in Europe citizens of the United States possess the could have prepared me to expect. happy privilege of dismissing their “ On the days consecrated to religion, public servants, from the lowest to the « all the individuals of the same family highest, at stated periods, in case they “ set out together; each went to the taisconduct themselves; for even the “ minister of his own sect; and they head servant in that country is not, like " afterwards returned home; to employ that of some others, incapable of doing - theinselves in their common domestic u rong or being cashiered.---To prove " concerns. This diversity of opinion that this unlimited toleration is more “ did not produce any in their feelings, productive of harmony than the blind " or in their hality; there were no dia. intolerance of other governments, I

putes, not

Cren a question on the ohall conclude with the remarks of “. subject. Religion there scems to be an Talleyrand in the same work to which I “ individual secret,

which

one Teferred in the beginning of this letter. “ thinks that he has a right to doubt or " --Inclination, or if you please, babit, “ to investigate. Thus, when there

incessantly attracts the Americans to- « arrives in America, from any country " wards England; interest does so still 66 of Europe, an ambitious sectary,

more; for the first and most important cager to afford a triumph of his doc“ consideration in a new country is, trine, by intaming the minds of men, " without doubt, to increase its riches. “ fur from finding, as in other places, " The proof of such a general disposi- “ persous disposed to enlist under his

tion manifests itself every where in “ banner, he is scarcely cvea perceived " America: we find evidence of it in " by his neighbours; his enthusiasın “ every part of their condnct. The cus- " is neither attractive nor interesting; " toms, with regard to religion, are" he inspires peither hatred nor curiosity: " themselves strongly tinctured with it. " in short, cvery one perseveres stead

I will mention the result of what I fastly in his own religious opinions, “ have observed in this respect; its " and uninterruptedly prosecutes bis connexion with my subject cannot temporal concerns.

This apathy, s fail to be perceived. We know that " which cannot be roused by the most

in England, religion has preserved a “ furious spirit of prosílytism, and which powerful influence

over the mind ; " it is our present business to point out, “ That even the most independent phi- " not.to account for, certainly takes its

losophy has not there dared to divest" immediate rise from the perfect tolera

itself of religious ideas; from the time" tion of the different sects of religion. • of Luther, all sects bave found their “ In America no form of worship is pro

way thither; that all have inaintained“ scribed, no one established by law; and. “ themselves, and that many have there therefore there are no disturbances about " taken their rise. We know the share

religion. But this perfect toleration has " which they have had in the great itself a principle; which is, that religion, political changes; in short, that all

although it is there every where a real “ bave been transplanted into America, sentimint, is more especially a sentiment " and that some of the states owe their " of habit; all the ardor of the moment

origin to them. It appears, at first,“ is emploved about the means of speed. " as if these sects would, after their “ ily improving worldly prosperity, and " transmigration, preserve their original hence results the chief cause of the. “ state, and it is natural, to conclude " entire calm of the Americans, respect" that they might likewise agitate Ame" ing every thing which is not, according "rica. But how great is the surprise of “ to this constitution of their minds, either " the traveller, when he sees them all “ a medium or an obstacle." I am, " co-exist in that perfect calm which, as dear Sir, your's, &c. ERASMUSPERKINS, • it would seem, can never be rutticd; London, Jan. 30, 1815

AMERICAN DOCUYENTS, --As ow justment of the differences subsisting between the Government has not thought it expedi-iwo States, with an earnest desire on their part to ent, like the free Government of America, bring them to a favourable issue, upon principles of to publish any part of the proceedings perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estab

at Ghent, and as the American newspa- lished maxims of public law, and with the maritime ners have not, since the commencement rights of the British Empire. This fact alone of the war, been delivered regularly on might sufice io sliew, that it ought not to have their arrival in tbis country, I have been been expected that the American Government, ju muder the necessity of laying the official acceding to this proposition, should have extended documçuts before my readers as they its terms, and furnished the undersigned with inreached me, without any regard to the structions authuriving them to lieat with the British order of their dales.---This irregularily Plenipotentiaries respecting Indians situated within diás occasioned a chasm in the publication the boundaries of the" Uuited States. Tliet such of these documents, which I intend to fill especiation was not entertained by the British Go..?!), as they arrive, in future numbers of vernmeng might also have been inferred from the er. Ilie Register. It may be thought, that plicit assurances which the British Plenipotentiaries as the war is at end, tlie proceedings at guve, on the part of their Government at the first Ghent live now lost all their interest.conference which the undersigned had the honour To me, bowever, who regard that war, of holding with them, that no events, subsequent its causes, the wonderful events that took to the first proposal for this negotiation, had, in place during its continuance, and the con- ang manner, varied either the disposition of the ieque:ces it must produce, as the most British Government, that it might terinitale in a astonishing occurrences recorded in his peace lionourable to both parties, or the ternis upon tory, and as of the greatest importance which they would be willing to conclude it. It is to the cause of freedom, and the happi- well known tiat the differences which unhappily ness of the human race. To me, who subsist between Great Britain and the United States, contemplate the subject in this light, and which ultimately led to the present war, were 20. official document, however minute, 1,wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally That bears any reference to this glorious from the British Orders -in Council, in relation in struggle, can appear of a trivial or unin-blockades

, and from the impressment of mariners teresting nature; far less can I consider on board of American vessels. The boundary of documents illustrative of the more im- the Indian territory liad never been a subject of

portant topics under the discussion of di fîerence between the two countries. Neither the ..the parties, as undeserving of notice.

principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law,

nor the maritime rights of the British Empire could The Ministers Plenipotentiary and Er- require the permanent establishment of such boun

traordinary of the United States to the dary. The novel pretension now advanced could Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Mo- no ruore have been anticipated by the Government jesty

of the United States, in forming instructions for this “ Ghent, Aug. 24, 1814.

negoeiation, than they seem to have been contcin• Tlie undersigned, Ministers Plenipotentiary and plated by that of Great Britain in November last in Extraordinary fron the United States of America, I proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's Note makes the i have given to the official Note which they have had fierinination of the war tv depend on a conciliuiory the honour of receiving from his Britannic Majesty's adjustment of the differences then subsisting bePlenipotentiaries the deliberate atlinlivo sinich the

iwveen the two States, aud on no other conditios importance of its contents required, and have now

whalever. Nor could the American Guverurnent that of transmitting to them their answer on the sc. have lurcscen that Great Britain, iî order to obtain xeral points to wlrich it refers. They would present peace tor the Lucians, residing within the domito the consideration of the British Plenipotentiaries, nions of the United States, wliqni she had induced that Lyrd Castlercagh, in his lener of the file or to take part with her in the wir, would demand that

they should be made parties to the treaty wel ween November, 1813, to the Anierican Secretary of the two nations, or that the boundaries of their State, pledges the faith of the British Government, linds should be perinanenily and irrevocably fixed that they were willing to enter into discursion with by that liaty. Such a proposition is contrary to

(To be continued.) the Government of America for the conciliatory ad

Printed and Published by G. Houston: No. 192, Strand; where all Cumidunications addressed to the

Editor are segrested to be forwarded,

Vol. XXVII. No. 6.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 11, 1815.

[Price 1s.

201 ]

[162 No. II.-CORN BILL. have fallen in price a full third, if not

a hall. Timber las fallen in an equal TO THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE.

proportion. The food for the horse and

the seed for the land must always be in The “ AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY," price upon a perfect level with the marwho bold their meetings at Winchester, ket corn.--Well, then, what are the kare framed a PETITION to Parliament other expences of a farm? The rent and for a Corn Bill; that is to say, for some the tythe. The latter must keep pace law to prevent corn from being brought with the price of corn, seeing that the from abroad, until the price of English tythe owner always takes his tenth, Carn, is higher than it now is; or, in whether it be of cheap corn or dear com;. other words, a law to make corn dearer ani), as to the rent, if the tenant has now: Then it now is. This Petition they have the worst of it, the landlord has had the published in the County papers, and, it worst of it, and will have the worst of appears, that they have sent blank Peti- it again if corn should become dear from Lions to the several Market-towns in the causes other than bad seasons.-Besides, County, there to be signed, for the pur- the real great cause of the present low pose of being presented all together.- prices, is, the three abundant and dry For the greater part of the gentlemen, harvests which we have had in uniu-, who have adopted this measure, I en- terrupted succession; for, though, in tertain respect; and those whom I do some parts, the wheat was much blighted Rot know, are, I presume, equally en- last year, the deficiency of crop, was far titler to the respect of their several from being general, and it was the wheat aeighbours. The motives, too, of these only that was not a most abundant crop, centenren, I suppose to be laudable.- ani of that grain there was a prodigious 3 it, I am convinced, that they have takent quantity on hand of the crop of the year a troneous view of the matter, and before. Now, when a farmer grows tive that the measure they recommend would quarters upon an acre, is it reasonable be injurious to the people at large and to for him to expect as high a price per land-owners and occupiers themselves. quarter as when he grows two quarters Therefore, if any sufficient number of and a half? Are not the five quarters at persons are willing to stand forward in 405. a quarter as good as two quarters. opposition to the above-mentioned peti- and a half at 81s. a quarter?--The tion, by the means of an open Meeting consequences of making corn dearer than of the County, I shall be happy to join it would be, are first, the making of in such opposition.-In making, however, all other food dearer; second, the ruin, this proposition, it will be justly demand in a short time, of many of our manus ed of me that I state the reasons, on facturers, because it is impossible to which the opposition is to be founded; believe that we could expect goods as and this I shall now do in as clear a cheap as those which would be made manner as I am able consistent with in countries where food is to be had for brevity.–The Petition states, that all the a third part of the price of that which erpences of a farm are nearly as high as would be eaten by our manufacturers, eter, and that the taxes are full as high. and amongst the articles of our manuThe latter is correct; the former is not. facturers, the raw materials for many Our wages at Botley were from 15s. to come from own soil, as wool, 185. a week: they are now from 10s. to skins, fax, lead, iron, tin, copper and 12s. a week. Bricklayers, Carpenters, coals; third, persons of fixed incomes, who Smiths, Wheelwrights, bave all come are great consumers of our produce as down one fourth in their prices. Horses well as employers of our tradesmen, would

our

go to Prance and to other countries, tion. During the late war, several laws where they could live upon cheap food, were passed restricting the liberty of the in cheap houses; and have cheap ser- Press and of public discussion. I will vants, horses and carriages; and, soon join in no Petition, which does not inafter these would follow many of our clude a prayer for the repeal of these manufacturers, and these the most clever laws, for a repeal of the Alien Act, and and enterprising; fourth, our commer- for a constitutional reform in the reprecial ship-building would follow the fate sentation of the people in the Commons' of the manufaetures, and also the em- House of Parliament. With those who ployment of our ships as carriers, seeing regard the Belly and the Purse, and are that the ships of other countries, par- careless abont their rights and liberties ticularly of America, would be built so as Englishmen, I wish to have nothing to much cheaper and would also sail so do. For the sufferings of such persons much cheaper. These are only a part I have no compassion; and, indeed, the of the consequences to be apprehended more they suffer the better I am pleased. from any measure, calculated to make --To men of other minds I now address coru dear; but they are quite sufficient myself.--It is inconvenient to most peo to induce me to oppose such a measure. ple to go to any particular place to sign If I am asked, how the English farmer a Requisition to the Sheriff; and, thereis to contend with the French farmer, fore, I publish the following Circulor while the former has so many and Requisition, in imitation of the Circular such heavy taxes to pay, of which the Petition of the Agricultural Society. This latter knows nothing, I answer, take off Requisition may be copied upon a sheet English taxes, 'till the English farmer is of paper and signed by as many persons, able to contend with the French farmer; in any town or place, as choose to sign and then I'll warrant it, that we beat

it. The paper, thus signed, may then the farpiers of France, that we undersell be sent to me, at Botley near Southampthem, and that our manufacturers live ton, before the 1st day of March; and, as cheap, and sell cheaper than any

if I receive Requisitions, the signatures manufacturers in the world. I am clearly to the whole of which amount to one of opinion, that taxes may be taken off hundred, I will wait upon the Sheriff to this catent without any injury to the with them. If I do not, I shall have done credit, the safety, or the peace of the my utmost in opposition to the Corn Bill; country; but I must be very plain upon

I shall leave the dear loaf and heavy this head, and expressly say, that with taxes to jog quietly on together; and to those who do not think ihat this ought to hear the whinings and grumblings of be done, I wish net to join in

any petition

those who feel the grievance, and yet against a Corn Bill; because I am cer

want the spirit to use the lawful means tain, that it is impossible for MORE of getting rid of it, will be an ample corfTHAN ONE HALF OF THE PRE- pensation to me for the portion of the SENT TAXES TO BE RAISED, UN. grievance that will fall to my lot. LESS THE PRICE BE KEPT UP, ON To the High Sherif of the County of AN AVERAGE OF YEARS, TO ABOUT 1208. PER QUARTER OF

Southampton. GOOD WHEAT. To reduce the taxes one half, the whole of the standing army must be disbauded; the Horse Guards other Landholders, Tradesmen and Ma

We, the undersigned Freeholders and must lose its brilliancy and power; the nufacturers, of the County of Southamp navy must come back to its state of ton, perceiving, that, in various parts of 1788; and a vast reduction must be the Kingdom, evil disposed or misguided made in the Civil List.--I am for THESE persons are endeavouring to prevail on the REDUCTIONS and for NO CORN Legislature to impose duties on thelmporn BILL. With persons who are for NO tation of Corn, and, being convinced, that CORN BILL and are AGAINST THESE such a measure would grievously oppress REDUCTIONS I cannot join; because the labouring classes, would be ruinous it would be joining in senseless clamour to tradesmen and manufacturers, would, and popular delusion. There is yet ano- in the end, be injurious to the growers of ther point of great importairce to men- corn and the owners of land themselves,

SIR,

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