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ridiculous notion we may have embraced out having read her works, or examinAnd is it not evident, that the proper ed the passages in holy writ upon reason the bulk of mankind ought to which she rested her divine mission. assign for their profession of a particular I have that zeal and enthusiasm in the religion is, that I am a good Mahom- cause of truth, that I will make no scrumetan, because I was born at Constanti-ple in declaring my opinion on this case, nople, and a true Christian, because 1 even though I should be thought a was born at London ?-When we reficct Southcoterian in disguise, and be loaded upon the history of man, can we be sur- with every species of opprobrium. I de prised at any thing he does under the roundly assert. without the fear of influence of religion?—There is no prin- contradiction, that the texts selected ciple so powerful over the human mind by Mrs. Southcott for the illustration as superstition, when enforced and di- of her doctrines, are as pointed and as rected by a Priest. It is quite immaterial applicable as any of those upon which whether it is the worship of the most we ground the christian system. To hideous idol to which the poor benighted those who say that her death proved ladian bows the knee,or the more ration- the fallacy of her scheine, and her folal adoration of a Supreme Being, as the lowers will no longer exist as a sect, Author of Nature.-Their effects will be it is answered that her disciples know the same wherever a Priesthood have the the Almighty has changed his mid beliberty of modifying them to answer their fore; he had repented that he had made own interested purposes---Let us then man, that he called Jesus Christ to heabe moderate and charitable, and avoid exposing our shallow knowledge of self, by abusing others, even if they should be in error. But God forbid that I should say they are because they see more in my Bible than I have been taught to see. Is every other science

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ven before he had caused the Lion and the Lamb to lay down together, and the land to flow with milk and honey; and may he not, say the true believers, have some wise and mysterious end in view in taking the holy prophetess to himself, without blessing us with the Shiloh. Perhaps the crying sins of this great Babylon have offended him. But be this as it may, whatever is, is right; it is all for the best, and must at last work together for good. Let us then cordially unite in offering up those sentiments of praise, which are the emanation of a true and loval heart, to our good and gracious Prince Regent, for his

be extended and improved, and Lot that of religion?-The Jews never discovered that our system was predicted in their books and will not believe it to this day. The language of oracles and prophecies has never been direct and perspicuous, but, on the contrary, dark and mysterious. The fertile imagination of St. Augustine could see the whole of the New Testament in the Old: he dis-mild and generous conduct towards this covered that even the piece of red rag new sect of christians, which, I have Held out as a signal by a harlot, was no doubt will flourish to the end of time; typical of the blood of our blessed Sa- it being my most serious persuasion, viour, and the two wives of Abraham that, according to critical evidence, this meant the synagogue and the catholic system and our own only holy and inchurch. We protestants, in our expo-fallible faith must stand or fall together. sitious, make the man of sin to be the pope, the Romish religion antichristian; and the more enlightened Southcoterians can see still farther than us. They find that Jesus went off without making the earth a paradise as was promised, and quote passages from scripture to prove

ESRASMUS PERKINS.

London, Feb. 17, 1815.

his second coming in the child SHILOH, The American Documents to be continued to fulfil what he left undone. Hundreds have condemned the prophetess with

in the next Number.

Printed and Published by G. HousTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXVII. No. 9.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1815.

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DELIVERANCE OF SPAIN.

The following REFLECTIONS place in a clear right the Changes, which have taken place in Spain, since the return of Ferdinand, the beloved, in consequence of the Deliverance of that country. For my part, I have very little feeling for those, who endeavoured to restore him. They well knew him and his family; they well knew the sort of government which they had under that family; they had no reason to expect better government than before; they wrote and fought for him; they have him; and much good may he do them. There were many persous, of whom I was one, who did not wish to see Europe under the sway of Napoleon, but who feared, that his being overthrown would produce evil, by replacing all the nations of Europe under their old masters, with a despotism, on the part of the latter, to rule the people with a rod of iron. As to supposing, as some men did, that the old families would be more mild in their government than formerly; that the lesson, as it was called, would make them gentle in future, and allow their people more liberty than they enjoyed before, nothing could, it appeared to me, be more foolish, nothing more opposite to the general practice of mankind. Who, as I once before asked, that has cattle or sheep which break over or through his fences, lower or weaken the fences upon bringing back the flock or the herd? Does a horse break his halter? We put a chain in its stead. I have a gang of leaping Mares and Colts, which have broken out, several times this winter, from rough pasture into my meadows and fields, allured by the sight of better living. What have I done? Have I patted them and caressed them? Have 1 given them a greater and farther range? Not I, faith! I have sought out the places of their escape; and having driven them back, have constantly redoubled the barrier; and have, at last, made it impossible for them to get out with their lives. Ferdinand is pursuing my plan, and, I

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dare say, it will be pursued all over Europe. Napoleon put down the Inquisition and drove out the Monks. Those who now suffer from having fought and wrote against Napoleon and for Ferdinand must take the fruit of their exertions for their pains. Spain is Delivered; we were, as we say, her Deliverers. I will pity no one, who was for the Deliverance, and who yet complains of its consequences.

REFLECTIONS

On The Political Changes which have taken place in Spain since the return of Ferdinand.

My object in presenting these reflections to the public, is to throw some light on a subject of the greatest importance to the tranquillity of Europe. My homage is due only to justice and to virtue, for in whatever country or individual they may be found, the friend or liberty must honour and respect them. Wishing to divest myself of all national and party spirit, which never fail to blind the eyes of those who are under their influence, I will express with the utmost frankness, my ideas on events of such importance as those which have lately happened in Spain, and which, in my opinion, have not yet been considered in their true light. For this purpose I will give a brief historical recapitulation of them, without which it will be impossible to form a just opinion of their origin and future consequences.

The Spanish Nation, invaded by Napoleon and deserted by Ferdinand in a way, if not the most criminal, at least the most impolitic, nobly resisted so unjust an aggression. That this desertion was contrary to the wish of the Spaniards, is evident from the means taken by the people of Vittoria to hinder his ill-judged journey, for they unharnessed his carriage, notwithstanding his utmost remonstrances, and those of his stupid advisers and followers. In order to oppose the most effectual resistance to the invarian

monstrous phenomenon, the Treaty of Valency, a treaty so shameful and indecent, that Ferdinand himself, in order to

he had no other intention than to outwit Bonaparte: (see the puerile and ridicu lous Pamphlet of the Canon Escoiquiz, a worthy companion of Ferdinand, and his counsellor in making the above treaty) as if following Bonaparte on his throne, he who had so often degraded himself by submission, was now bold enough not to fulfil the stipulations, or as if foreseeing his fall, he would have given the world sufficient ground to suspect his veracity, merely to anticipate his freedom by 15 days, if that life can be called freedom which is spent among nuns, in passing from convent to convent.

In order to guard against the effects of so shameful a treaty, in which Ferdinand bound himself without delay, to restore to Bonaparte all the prisoners made by the Spaniards, which were either in the Peninsula, England, or America, and to cause those English troops who were then fighting so gloriously for his personal liberty, to evacuate Spain, the ordinary

of Napoleon, the people appointed new authorities, because the former were corrupted or intimidated by the orders of Ferdinand bimself, and as such, unwil-hide the ignominy of it, pretended that ling to resist the yoke that was about to be imposed on them by the conqueror. All the authorities, established during this period of the revolution, were recognized by England and by all the other powers of Europe, who dared to oppose the arms of Napoleon, and they shewed not the least hesitation to form treaties of alliance and friendship with them. In short, to doubt the legality of the new Spanish Government, would be to condemn a revolution, more generally approved than any one of which we have any example. Nothing could more strongly prove the legitimacy of the government, than the elections for representatives which took place in all the provinces unoccupied by the enemy, and among the individuals of those that were, who met at Cadiz, then the capital of the Spanish Empire, in order to form the extraordinary Cortes; an assembly which the government of this country, by its agent the Marquis of Wellesley, wisely promoted, knowing that the Spaniards could make no progress in Cortez issaed the decree of the 2d of Fedefending their independence, without bruary, 1814,to anaull the said convention. procuring at the same time their internal The decree Was immediately transliberty. This assembly, notwithstanding mitted to all the Spanish authorities, the desertion of Ferdinand and bis base and to Lord Wellington, who, nominated acts of submission, as those of soliciting by the Cortez generalissimo of the Spato be adopted a son of Napoleon, aud nish Armies, was, above all other persons, asking him the command of a division in responsible for its being complied with; his armies for his brother Charles, while because, by a charge of such importance, Spain was suffering under every sacrifice the safety and defence of the Cortez, and to redeem him from captivity, decreed even the national liberty, were committed that he was their King, that a Regency to his care, and the representatives of should be appointed in his room, but that the Spanish people had shewn themselves on his return he should not be recognized satisfied with this confidence, inasmuch till he had sworn to the Constitution in as they had honoured him with titles, the bosom of the Cortez, and that any estates and distinctions, The decree act or treaty he might make, should be was also communicated to the English null and void, till the said condition | Ambassador, and by means of the Spashould be performed. The Extraordinary nish Ambassadors, to all the Allied Pow Cortez ordered the Constitution to beers; they all, as well as Lord Wellington, transmitted to all the Allied Powers, and by whom the different Regencies were recognized as legitimate. Napoleon pressed by the entrance of the Allies into France, sought to diminish the number of his enemies and increase that of his friends as he well knew the meanness and baseness of Ferdinand, he took care to make him an ally of his own, and the enemy of those who were defending his cause in Spain. Hence followed that

expressed themselves satisfied with a decree so honorable to the representatives who had issued it, as well as useful to the powers who were interested in the independence of Europe. And how could it be otherwise, when they saw themselves freed from so shameful and dangerous a compromise, as that of furnishing Napoleon with a numerous and warlike army, diminishing the number of his enemies and increasing that of his allies, com

to assist in making prisoners the regents and the members of the Cortez, and to execute the other orders of Ferdinand. It is lamentable to reflect that such a commission was executed by an officer born in a free country; such a commission he ought to have disdained to ac cept, and he accepted it no doubt with a view to that command which he afterwards received from Ferdinand. These facts being established, I conceive it is allowable to make such reflections as

pelling Lord Wellington either to retire from the Peninsula or to fight with that very Spanish army then under his command, and the united forces of Soult and Suchet? On the 26th of March, after having secretly ratified the Treaty of Valency, Ferdinand arrived on the frontiers of Spain. Napoleon was deprived of his throne on the 6th of April, and Ferdinand stopping at Valencia, where he received the foreign Ambassadors, Generals and Chiefs of a faction hostile to the Cortez, without the nation having ex-naturally arise on these great political pressed any determination contrary to that which it had sworn to follow, Ferdinand having concerted his scheme, and provided the meaus for its execution, on the 4th of May, published that fatal decree for the destruction of that compact, by which the nation had granted him the Crown. Not satisfied with the sacrifices which the people had voluntarily undergone in order to secure him against Spanish liberty. throne, more honorable than that which he had lost both by desertion and by his resignation, prepossessed with the idea that he owed every thing to heaven, and nothing to men, and educated in ideas which made him wish to reign only over slaves; after having formed a party from among those who were stained with the foul crime of having all more or less contributed to support the throne of Joseph, he declared for the extermination of all those who had shewn the smallest disposition to unite the interests of the throne to those of the people; thus giving an example, not only of the most complete incapacity, and the basest malevolence, but of the most menstrous and horrible ingratitude. Like all tyrants in similar circumstances, his first means, of vengeance were the imprisonment of all those disaffected to his government, the destruction of the freedom of the press, in order to conceal the atrocity of his conduct, and represent things as suited his purpose, promising the people a semblance of future freedom, the more effectually to dazzle their eyes, and those of all Europe, impudently pretending that he had published to the Cortez the act of their dissolution, at a time when their principal members were shut up in separate prisons without communication. Having taken these measures, a division of ten thousand men, whose van guard was commanded by General Whittingham, was sent from Valencia to Madrid,

changes in Spain, on the violent means by which Ferdinand has been raised to an empire above that of the law, as well as on the injustice with which the Spa nish nation is censured for submitting to so detestable a despotism, without considering the difficulty of getting rid of a yoke once imposed, nor of the many circumstances which have conspired a

It is not my intention to make all the reflections on the subject that might be expected from a historian; the limits of a pamphlet will not allow it; a few remarks will be sufficient to throw light on this business, and my principal intention is to place it in a point of view in which it may be duly examined and appreciated by others. I forbear to agitate the question, whether the legitimacy of the Spanish Government being acknowledged by other nations, they ought to acknowledge Ferdinand, in opposition to the constitution sanctioned by the representatives of Spain. I will content myself with saying, that if this is answered in the affirmative, it will go so far as to shake the throne of every sovereign in Europe, and give room to perpetual convulsions. Perhaps, in order to confound the Spanish constitution with the recognition of Ferdinand, they will say that no nation has a right to interfere with the internal government of another. But this is not the matter under consideration. Without meddling with the Spanish constitution, they had no right to acknowledge Ferdinand till he had been ac knowledged by the Spanish Nation, unless they will maintain that a monarch being acknowledged to day under one state of circumstances, and these circumstances remaining the same, he may be acknowledged to-morrow in a light totally different. For other nations to have acknowledged Ferdinand at so unseasonable a

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period, is doubtless to interfere with the internal government of Spain, particularly as the nation had declared by its agents at foreign courts that he should not be considered as king till he had accepted the constitution, and not to have acknowledged him, was by no means to guarantee that constitution. And where would be the security for the liberty of any nation, if others have the right of acknowledging for its chief him whom the laws have not acknowledged? Another proof of the injury which has arisen from this acknowledgment, is that Ferdinand makes use of it as an irrefragable testimony of his right. See the horrible declaration of the 28th of August, issued by the sanguinary Villavicencio, then Captain General of Cadiz.

I will next pass to the observations which arise from the Decree of the Cortez, on the 2d of February, 1814, since, altho' they partly belong to the discussion which I have purposely omitted, they contain matter less difficult, and this in a manner less delicate.-The Cortez might have consented to the Treaty of Valencey, leaving as it was the liberty of the Spanish People, since Ducnapare, no doubt, on consideration of obtain ng that consent, would have compelled Ferdinand to swear to that constitution. But acting with the greatest possible candour and delicacy, the Cortez would not allow any alliance to exist between the future Monarch of Spain and the enemy of Great Britain; and therefore, with the exception of four or five individuals, (now the most favoured courtiers of Ferdinand) they issued the decree already mentioned. The Spanish Nation and its Allies had a reciprocral interest in observing it. Once comr u ricated, the common interests constituted a mutual obligation, which could not fail to bind them all, while the interest of any part of them was depending. To prove this, let me ask a question, which, tho' apparently unconnected, will instantly resolve every doubt which in a diplomatic light may be opposed to moral principles so clear and evident. Did the deposition of Napoleon constitute the right of Ferdinand to the crown of Spain? All honest men will say, No. They will confess that his right to it arose only from his compact with the Nation.

Could then the foreign Ambassadors, if Napoleon had not been deposed and Ferdinand had not sworn to the constitution, have acknowledged him? If they had, they would have been traitors to their country, inasmuch as contrary to that which was determined and stipulated by a friendly Nation, they would have recognized an ally of the enemy an illegitimate King, and whom, by such an acknowledgment, they would have converted into an eneiny of his country. If then the deposition of Napoleen did not constitute the right of Ferdinand, and if it had not happened, the foreign Ambassadors would not have acknowledged Ferdinand till he had complied with the conditions of the Cortez. By what title can they recognize him, now that Napoleon is dethroned, aud Ferdinand has not sworn to the constitution? Perhaps it may be said that the Spanish Nation has recognized him, and therefore other nations ought to do the same, To this I will answer, that no act or document of the Nation can be produced to prove it; a truth of which no one can doubt, when it is remembered that Ferdinand de troyed the constitu tion before his entry into Madrid. I will anwer also, that the state of discontent and of fermentation which the Nation has been in ever since the first attempt of Ferdinand to restore despotism, is evident testimony, that a forced submission, the effect of Surprize and the operation of a faction, composed perhaps more of foreigners than of natives, is no valid recognition.

Supposing the facts which I have mentioned, and others which I could produce, to be true, have not the Spaniards reason sufficient to believe that any resistance to their present government would be a rash undertaking, and that all the stales of Europe would unite in supporting Ferdinand without a constitution? How could they believe that the Ambassadors would assist in destroying so fundamental a law of an ally, without the positive orders of their governments? and if such orders existed, how any teration in them, or any successful resistance to Ferdinand on the part of the Spaniards, against the will of almost every Government in Europe, could have been expected? Despair alone could induce the Spaniards to embrace a resolution, in all probability so ineffec

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