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Lord, to think of dictating a government they imprisoned and fined many of the to such a people? printers and public writers. They proThere is another characteristic in this mised that in matters of religion all men great event, which is worthy of particular should be free to follow their own remark that is the absence of ali blood- opinions, as they had been before: and, slied and violence. The Bourbons were they punished men for promulgating renot only suffered to depart without harm, ligious opinions contrary to those probut, they appear to have experienced not fessed Ly the priests. One man, in parany obstruction, or even insult, on their ticular, was imprisoned for five years for journey. It is no more than just to sup- uttering what was termed blasphemous pose, that their conduct has been such language, and that, too, in a country as to excite no very great degree of hatred where the King was daily creating men against them but, however good their Knights of the Holy Ghost! It is from conduct might have been, we know, that our own newspapers: from the mouths under such circumstances, the persons of of the friends of the Bourbons, that we the falling party have seldom escaped have this account of their conduct: and, with their lives. This example of for- when I heard of the landing of Napoleon, giveness seems, however, to have been the first thought that came athwart my given by Napoleon himself, who, in his mind was, that now those men who had proclamations, disclaims all vengeance, been imprisoned for LIBELS would be and generously repays with a general par- restored to freedom, an object worth, of don and oblivion all the calumnies against itself, a little revolution. The truth is, him, and even the instigation to murder that, from the moment the Bourbons by setting a price upon his head. It will landed in France, our Cossacks were engive me great pleasure to find, that the gaged in instigating them to acts of opfamily of Bourbon have experienced no pression. They pointed out to them vicill-treatment of any sort; because, in that tim after victim: they dictated to them case, the conduct of the French people, whom they should punish and whom they upon this memorable occasion, will form should reward. The Bourbons were be so striking a contrast with that of our set with these English dictators, whose Cossack writers, who, from the hour of will they appear to have but too faithNapoleon's exile to that of his return, fully obeyed But, the better, the less hardly let one day pass without inculcat-offensive, the conduct of the Bourbons ing the necessity of destroying him. Their was, the greater is the triumph of Napohypocrisy could never make them dis- leon; for, it is now certain, that however guise their malice. It was their object to good they might be, the French nation make the world believe, that he was so had found him to be better. much hated in France and the Bourbons so much beloved, that there was not the smallest danger of his being able to give the latter any trouble. It was their ob ject to make the world believe, that he was sunk into complete contempt. Yet, in spite of their hypocrisy, their malice broke out into continual insinuations, that his life was an evil. What a contrast do the conduct of Napoleon and that of the French people form with the conduct of these writers!

Much has been said, in our daily vehi cles of falsehood, of the ill-treatment, which the English people in France have experienced. If this be true, as I hope it is not, it has, without doubt, been ow ing to their restless tongues: to that incessant abuse of Napoleon, which they learnt at home, and which they must have been impatient to perceive was not in fashion in France. In general they would naturally be of that description of persons, who west to enjoy the spectacle of seeing the French nation again subjected to the sway of the Bourbons: to indulge in the vindictive joy of seeing the conquerors of Europe subjected to the sway of those who had been protected by England. It is very probable, that, amongst all the feelings which have ope

The conduct of the Bourbons was not what they promised. They promised, that they would leave property as they found it: and, they immediately set to work to re store part of the National Property to the Emigrants, who had been abroad, if not serving against France, for 25 years. They promised that there should be liber-rated in favour of Napoleon's return, ty of the press; and, they immediately those excited by English arrogance have put that press under a censorship, while not been the most feeble and ineflective.

that, if there wanted any thing to unite the people of France; to give them a degree of alacrity and of courage greater than ever were witnessed in any other people, it would be a repetition of the attempts of 1792 and 1793? I know, It was said, during the war against the that it is said, that the Powers of Europe French Republic, that we did not wish are better prepared, than they were in to interfere in the interual affairs of 1793; that their armies are all on France: but, that, cur own safety re- foot; and that they have not forgotten quired us to war against those whose that they have very recently marched princ ples, if we were at peace with to Paris. Granted that they be ready, them, would subvert our excellent consti- and that we be ready with the ne tution in Church and State. It is curious cessary subsidies. But, let it be borne to observe how the same sort of doctrine in mind, that Napoleon has 2, if not is cooked up again, or as the French 300,000 veteran troops in France more would call it, rechauffé, for the present than he had last year; that the treaty, occasion. We do not want, not we, now which his presence of mind. his deep to interfere in imposing a Government diplomacy, pointed out to him, has reupon the French; they might have Na-stored to him such an army as the poleon to scourge them for their sins, and world never before saw; that he has we should be glad of it; but, we must obtained by that treaty more means than take care of ourselves: and, as he is a he, at any one time, ever before possesdangerous man to us, we ought to march sed; and that, along with these iminto France ourselves, and call out all mense means, he has in the eyes of all our Russian and German allies to go the world, but especially in those of along with us, to compel the French peo- France, acquired a reputation and has ple to take back the Bourbons, who are obtained claims to greater confidence a good and peaceable sort of people. In than at any former period of his wonother words, we do not pretend to have derful career. His restoration, and more a right to dictate a Government to the particularly the manner of it, clearly people of France; but, unless they take shews to every one, that he can place the Government that we choose for them, implicit reliance on his people. He we have a right to go to war with them.needs no garrisons in the interior; scarcely With persons, who have the folly, or the a guard at Paris; all the mighty, means impudence, or both, to hold such a duc- of France he may safely draw towards trine it would be useless to attempt to the frontiers, and there pour them forth remonstrate; but, your Lordship will, upon the first assailant. Very difierent doubtless, look back a little at what the indeed, then, is the situation of France late wars have cost us. We did, indeed, from what it was in March and April place the Bourbons on the throne of 1814. In short, the conquerors of AmFrance, at the end of 21 years of war; sterdam, Berlin, Hanover, Vienna, Rome, but, in what a condition has the enter- Madrid and Moscow are all again, aud prize left us ? Are we prepared to add that, too, under the same chief, ready another 700 millions to our National to repeat their march; and let the blame Debt? Are we prepared to continue the fall on those, who shall give them any Property Tax? Are we prepared for 21 fair pretence for the repetition. For my years more of sacrifices ? part, I am for giving them no pretence at all, and, therefore, I am against all attempt at interference, even in words, in the internal affairs of France. I am

There is something truly ominous in the similarity of the state of things now to that of things in 1792. The French Princes were then hovering on the Norfor noue of the half hostile measures of thern frontier of France; they were then 1792; I am for cordially receiving his hoisting the white flag at Coblentz; and ambassador, if he send any, land, in short, we are told, that they are now to hoist it for doing every thing consistent with our at Brussels. The Austrians and Prus- honour, calculated to prevent a renewal sians were then marching to their aid; of war. and, we are told, that they are now to march to their aid. Is it not evident,

With regard to the othes proposed object of war: namely, the securing of

And, my Lord, I think we may be well assured, that, if there were still waiting any thing to endear him to the people of France, that thing would be an attempt, on our part, to drive him again from his throne.

Belgium to the new king of the Nether-¦ should determine. And, we must oblands, we do not yet know, that Napo- serve here, that Napoleon might have leon will demand the restoration of those retained his throne, if he would have provinces to France. But, I will frankly consented to do the same thing, He reconfess, that I believe, that he never fused; the war was pushed on; he was will rest satisfied until he has obtained overpowered and exiled; and Louis le that restoration, in the desire to effect Desiré gave up to us and our allies that which object he will be heartily joined by Belgium, which had been won by France, the whole of his people. The question, during the time that he was absent from then, is, ought we to go to war with him France. So that, it must be evident, if he demand, and if he endeavour by to lose this part of their Empire force to effect, that restoration? I say, must be very galling to the French. NO. I am of opinion, on the contrary, But, you will say, and with very good that we ought immediately to withdraw reason; what is their soreness to us, if

our army; to send home the Hanove-it be for our good to keep them out of

rians; and to leave the Belgians and even the Dutch to defend their country against the French, or, again to unite themselves to the French.

Belgium? Now, my Lord, I do not say, that it is not desirable to us, that the French should be kept out of Belgium; but, I am convinced, that it would be much better for us that Belgium should return under the sway of France, thanthat it should belong to a power, which, without our aid, without our constant assistance, never can keep it for any length of time. When Belgium belonged to the House of Austria, then, indeed, there was a power with half a million of soldiers at its command to defend Belgium. This power was unable to defend it ; and, if such a power could not keep it out of the hands of France; if Austria was glad to get rid of the burthen of its defence, how is it to be defended by "the King

I know how some people will stare and blow out their cheeks and snap their mouths at this, as if they were going to bite one's head off: but, you, my Lord, who are a cool, sensible man, are aware, that, if I can offer any solid reasons for this opinion, the opinion ought to have some weight, and that it will have some weight. In order that these reasons may have their fair chance, I must trouble your Lordship with a few preliminary remarks. I know that I am here about to attack your Lordship's darling project; that you will cling to it like the fond parent to an only child: but attack it I must, seeing in it, as I do, the cause of endless war, expense and misery.

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of theUnited Netherlands," who took the Royal title on him only on the 16th in stant, and who has been made a king in that Holland, which was before so proud of its Republican institution and liberties.

Belgium, we are told, is a barrier against France. A barrier to protect whom, and what? For an answer to this question, I will refer to your memorable Speech, made on the very day on which the Emperor Napoleon entered Paris. Your reporter makes you say, in that speech; -With respect to Holland, it was evident"that nothing could be of greater im

By Belgium I mean all that country, which, it seems, has, by the Congress, been taken from France and given to the new King. It is not all properly so called: but, one name is better than three or four, if it answers all our par poses as well. This Belgium, before the French Revolution, belonged to the House of Austria. It was conquered from that House by the brave and insulted Republicans of France, who also conquered other countries, not belong-"portance to this country, than that France ing to the House of Austria. By and by, "should not have a continuity of sea-coast peace was made between these powers, Austria confirmed Belgium to France by treaty, and received from France other of her conquests in return. This was nearly twenty years ago. Belgium has belonged to France from that time to the month of May last, when the King of France, by the Treaty of Paris, concluded while the Russian and German Armies were there, gave it up to be disposed of as the Congress

extending along the whole of the Nether"lands. He had the satisfaction to say, "that the Allied Powers on the Continent "were not more convinced of the impor "tance of this point to us, than tothem"selves; and therefore all were agreed "that the union of the Netherlands with "Holland was one of the most important

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improvements of the face of Europe in "modern times. Neither was it consider

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that no interest was felt so strongly in "this country, as the conservation of the "general liberties of Europe."

ed by them as a concession toGreat Bri'tain, or to the Prince of Orange in par"ticular, but was most cordially listened "to as a means of strenghtening the equi- Such, then, is to be the use of Belgium! "librium of Europe. A kingdom would Belgium is to cover the Kingdom of the "thus be formed powerful in all the resour-Netherlands, and the Kingdom of the ces of soil, commerce,navigation, and mi- Netherlands is to cover the Kingdom of

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litary strength; and he had the satisfac- Hanover, "which should be very dear "tion of stating that no Sovereign ever" to us!" I will pass over your episode on "resumed the exercise of his functions the Hanoverian Legion and on the cha"who displayed more industry and talent racter of the Prince of Orange, as mat"in calling forth all the resources of Hol- ters too high for my pen; but, really, I land, and uniting into one, its various cannot refrain from saying, that this parties, than the Prince of Orange had scheme, this darling scheme, which you "done. He hoped that this kingdom seem to think so advantageous to Eug"would be sufficiently strong, both from land, and the account of which seems to "nature and art, and in future to be able have given so much pleasure to your Hoto resist any assault either from the nourable Hearers; seems to have wrapt "north or the west, at least until other them in wonder at your surprising skill, powers came forward to its support. penetration, and grandeur of views; I "He trusted it would not be supposed cannot refrain from saying, that this "that any undue concessions had been scheme appears to me to be one of the made, with the view of obtaining an in- weakest that ever entered the head of "crease of territory to Hanover. On this mortal man; and, which is a great deal "point there had alwaysbeen some degree worse, fraught with endless calamities to "of jealousy in this country; but he was England, because it must be a source of "rather inclined to think that Hanover continual war and expence. "had generally speaking suffered more "than she gained from the connection. Its "people had recently proved themselves "faithful supporters of Great Britain; and "he would say, that there had not been a "more efficient, more faithful, and honest "body of men in our service than the "Hanoverian Legion; they amounted to "not less than 12,000 men, to which num"ber they had always been kept up by vo"luntary enrolment, and it was not too “much to say, that the absence of such a

You say, that this new Kingdom (which by the bye, has not yet actually been organized) will be able to "resist any as

sault," at least" till other powers can come to its support." So this King, like a Watchman, is, when danger approaches, to spring his rattle, and call others in to his assistance! My good Lord! pray keep yourself cool; but, really, such a scheme! such a scheme was never before thought of in this world.

corps might have had a most injurious "effect on our military exertions. The preservation of the importance of Hanover, as a constituent state of Germany, "should, therefore, be dear to us, as well "in this point of view, as from its connexion with our reigning family. The increase of territory she had received, "tended to consolidate her connexion with "this country, by the extent of sea coast "which it gave her: while liable to be in

I will not enquire, whether the Belgians, the Dutch, and the Hanoverians would be better off under these arrangements, than if they were under the French; and, I will, for argument's sake, allow, that if Belgium be yielded to the French, the Kingdoms of the Netherlands and of Hanover will soon be blown into very thin air. But, what I contend for is, that, to keep Belgium from France England must constantly keep on foot a great army in the country; rather than which,

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ciency was less considerable. From the "moment she was also in close contact "with Holland for an extent of 150 miles,

tercepted from this country, her effi-it is my opinion, that we ought to suffer the French to regain, not only those countrics, but all the countries which they possessed in 1813. I am far from wish

"this naturally contributed to strengthening, that they should possess all those countries; but it would be preferable to our being involved in continual war.

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and protect her. Neither was this a "connection of which our continental 'allies were at all disposed to feel jealousy. They were thoroughly convinced I ments have turned our heads. We have

In truth, my Lord, military achieve

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gone on from step to step, till, at last,we] It is well known to your Lordship, that he rejoicing of the people at the late seace arose chiefly from the hope of their being relieved from the long-endured burlens of the war. It is well known to vou, that, even in peace, our resources, without the war taxes are insufficient. It is well known to you, that loans are in contemplation to supply, in part, in peace, the absence of the Property Tax. What, then, is to be the fate of the fund-holder, if a new war is now to be our lot?

really seem to conceit ourselves a greater military than we are a naval power. Too many amongst us seem to look with sorrow on any thing which shail deprive us of all excuse for keeping up a grea army. Never was there seen so much reluctance to lay aside the gorget and the sash. We have fallen into a set of no ons quite foreign from all our former notions. We are military-mad; and, is the midst of the rage, we seem almost to forget the fleet, the defence which reason and nature so clearly point out 1 us.

However, I perceive, and I perceive it with indignation, that there are persons, who are willing to sacrifice even the fundholders, to send them forth to beg, to spread general ruin and misery over the country, rather than not enter into a new

war.

Continental connexions, against which our forefathers were so anxious to guaro, are now really sought after with eager ness; and, indeed, full of the notion that it was we, who reduced France, we seem to think it necessary, that we should be come almost an integral part of the continent. To defend the kingdom of Han over, we must first defend the King of the Netherlands. To defend the king dom of the Netherlands we must censtantly keep a large army on foot in the Netherlands, and more troops ready to go to the assistance of that army. That country must always be filled with troops in our pay, in peace, or in war. And, is this nation in a state to support such an expense?

I have seen the following alarming words, printed in a very conspicuous manner in the COURIER Newspaper of Tuesday last. They are words which every man in England ought to see; and which ought to draw forth the unanimous voice of the people, in a constitutional manner, against entering upon any war, not absolutely necessary to the safety of the country and His Majesty scrown.

"In contemplating so great an evil, as "war under any circumstances must be, though it may be a blessing by comparison, our means of maintaining the " contest should be considered. And

forming nearly as large though not so "absolute a part of the governing class

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Shall I be told, that no peace can be safe which leaves Belgium in the hands" first, the war, independent of its jusof France? You, my Lord, will hardly "tice and necessity, will have the public tell me so, who defended the peace of" voice on its side, even more than in Amiens, which left Belgium in the hands" France it can have. Our naval and of France; nor will the Earl of Liverpool," military men with their connexions, who made that treaty, and who contended, in its defence, that the extension of territory which France had gained had not rendered her more formidable to us. Come back, then, to your former doctrines: disclaim all connexion with a continent where we never can have power without the ruin of this island; and then we shall have peace; the fund-holders will be paid; our fleet will still be our bulwark: we shall prosper and shalt be as great as France.

of society, will meet war with smiles. Our landed gentry and fr "mers will secretly welcome it,as it brought "them so much profit before. Our ship

ping and commercial interests it will, as hitherto, favour, while our navy secures us the sovereignty of the seas. Our "artizans and labourers had their wages "raised during the late contest. Even

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our manufactures will prosper, with the Continent of Europe and America "open.-ANNUITANTS will, indeed,

But, if waris again to be our lot; if we are to send out armies to fight amidst the fortresses of Belgium; if millions are to be expended in the kingdoms of the Netherlands and of Hanover: if a war with out prospect of termination; and almost without a clearly defined object is to be our lot, whence are the means to come

suffer by the progress of taxation: but "that is the consequence of their taking "themselves out of the circle of activity,

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of productive wealth, and of national prosperity. In the revolutions of property the DRONES OF THE STATE

What new sufferings are in store for us?"WILL NATURALLY FALL TO

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