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Lord, to think of dictating a government to such a people?

There is another characteristic in this great event, which is worthy of particular remark that is the absence of all bloodshed and violence. The Bourbons were not only suffered to depart without harm, but, they appear to have experienced not any obstruction, or even insult, on their journey. It is no more than just to suppose, that their conduct has been such as to excite no very great degree of hatred against them but, however good their conduct might have been, we know, that under such circumstances, the persons of the falling party have seldom escaped with their lives. This example of forgiveness seems, however, to have been given by Napoleon himself, who, in his proclamations, disclaims all vengeance, and generously repays with a general pardon and oblivion all the calumnies against him, and even the instigation to murder by setting a price upon his head. It will give me great pleasure to find, that the family of Bourbon have experienced no ill-treatment of any sort; because, in that case, the conduct of the French people, upon this memorable occasion, will form so striking a contrast with that of our Cossack writers, who, from the hour of Napoleon's exile to that of his return, hardly let one day pass without inculcating the necessity of destroying him. Their hypocrisy could never make them disguise their malice. It was their object to make the world believe, that he was so much hated in France and the Bourbons so much beloved, that there was not the smallest danger of his being able to give the latter any trouble. It was their ob ject to make the world believe, that he was sunk into complete contempt. Yet, in spite of their hypocrisy, their malice broke out into continual insinuations, that his life was an evil. What a contrast do the conduct of Napoleon and that of the French people form with the conduct of these writers!

they imprisoned and fined many of the printers and public writers. They promised that in matters of religion all men should be free to follow their own opinions, as they had been before: and, they punished men for promulgating religious opinions contrary to those professed Ly the priests. One man, in par ticular, was imprisoned for five years for uttering what was termed blasphemous language, and that, too, in a country where the King was daily creating men Knights of the Holy Ghost! It is from our own newspapers: from the mouths of the friends of the Bourbons, that we have this account of their conduct: and, when I heard of the landing of Napoleon, the first thought that came athwart my mind was, that now those men who had been imprisoned for LIBELS would be restored to freedom, an object worth, of itself, a little revolution. The truth is, that, from the moment the Bourbons landed in France, our Cossacks were engaged in instigating them to acts of oppression. They pointed out to them victim after victim: they dictated to them whom they should punish and whom they should reward. The Bourbons were be set with these English dictators, whose will they appear to have but too faithfully obeyed. But, the better, the less offensive, the conduct of the Bourbons was, the greater is the triumph of Napoleon; for, it is now certain, that however good they might be, the French nation had found him to be better.

Much has been said, in our daily vehicles of falsehood, of the ill-treatment, which the English people in France have experienced. If this be true, as I hope it is not, it has, without doubt, been ow. ing to their restless tongues: to that incessant abuse of Napoleon, which they learnt at home, and which they must have been impatient to perceive was not in fashion in France. In general they would naturally be of that description of persons, who went to enjoy the spectacle The conduct of the Bourbons was not of seeing the French nation again subwhat they promised. They promised, that jected to the sway of the Bourbons: to they would leave property as they found indulge in the vindictive joy of seeing the it: and, they immediately set to work to conquerors of Europe subjected to the re store part of the National Property to sway of those who had been protected the Emigrants, who had been abroad, if by England. It is very probable, that, not serving against France, for 25 years. amongst all the feelings which have ope They promised that there should be liber-rated in favour of Napoleon's return, ty of the press; and, they immediately those excited by English arrogance have put that press under a censorship, while not been the most feeble and ineflective.

And, my Lord, I think we may be well assured, that, if there were still wa. tag any thing to endear him to the peopie of France, that thing would be an attempt, on our part, to drive him again from his throne.

that, if there wanted any thing to unite the people of France; to give them a degree of alacrity and of courage greater than ever were witnessed in any other people, it would be a repetition of the attempts of 1792 and 1793? I know, It was said, during the war against the that it is said, that the Powers of Europe French Republic, that we did not wish are better prepared, than they were in to interfere in the interual affairs of 798; that their armies are all on France: but, that, our own safety re-foot; and that they have not forgotten quired us to war against those whose that they have very recently marched princ ples, if we were at peace with to Paris. Granted that they be ready, them, would subvert our excellent consti- and that we be ready with the ne tution in Church and State. It is curious cessary subsidies. But, let it be borne to observe how the same sort of doctrine in mind, that Napoleon has 2, if not is cooked up again, or as the French 300,000 veteran troops in France more would call it, rechaufé, for the present than he had last year; that the treaty, occasion. We do not want, not we, now which his presence of mind, his deep to interfere in imposing a Government diplomacy, pointed out to him, has re upon the French; they might have Na- stored to him such an army as the poleon to scourge them for their sins, and world never before saw; that he has we should be glad of it; but, we must obtained by that treaty more means than take care of ourselves: and, as he is a he, at any one time, ever before possesdangerous mau to us, we ought to march sed; and that, along with these iminto France ourselves, and call out all mense means, he has in the eyes of all our Russian and German allies to go the world, but especially in those of aleng with us, to compel the French peo- France, acquired a reputation and has ple to take back the Bourbons, who are obtained claims to greater confidence a good and peaceable sort of people. In than at any former period of his wonother words, we do not pretend to have derful career. His restoration, and more a right to dictate a Government to the particularly the manner of it, clearly people of France; but, unless they take shews to every one, that he can place the Government that we choose for them, implicit reliance on his people. He we have a right to go to war with them. needs no garrisons in the interior; scarcely With persons, who have the folly, or the a guard at Paris; all the mighty means impudence, or both, to hold such a duc- of France he may safely draw towards trine it would be useless to attempt to the frontiers, and there pour them forth remonstrate; but, your Lordship will, upon the first assailant. Very difierent doubtless, look back a little at what the indeed, then, is the situation of France late wars have cost us. We did, indeed, from what it was in March and April place the Bourbons on the throne of 1814. In short, the conquerors of AmFrance, at the end of 21 years of war; sterdam, Berlin, Hanover, Vieuna, Rome, but, in what a condition has the enter- Madrid and Moscow are all again, and prize left us? Are we prepared to add that, too, under the same chief, ready another 700 millions to our National to repeat their march; and let the blame Debt? Are we prepared to continue the fall on those, who shall give them any Property Tax? Are we prepared for 21 fair pretence for the repetition. For my years more of sacrifices? part, I am for giving them no pretence There is something truly ominous in at all, and, therefore, I am against all the similarity of the state of things now attempt at interference, even in words, to that of things in 1792. The French in the internal affairs of France. I am Princes were then hovering on the Norfor noue of the half hostile measures of thern froutier of France; they were then hoisting the white fag at Coblentz; and we are told, that they are now to hoist it at Brussels. The Austrians and PrusSians were then marching to their aid; and, we are told, that they are now t march to their aid. Is it not evident,

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1792; I am for cordially receiving his ambassador, if he send any, land, in short, for doing every thing consistent with our Bonour, calculated to prevent a renewal of war.

With regard to the other proposed object of war: namely, the securing

Belgium to the new king of the Nether- should determine. And, we must ob

lands, we do not yet know, that Napoleon will demand the restoration of those provinces to France. But, I will frankly confess, that I believe, that he never will rest satisfied until he has obtained that restoration, in the desire to effect which object he will be heartily joined by the whole of his people. The question, then, is, ought we to go to war with him if he demand, and if he endeavour by force to effect, that restoration? I say, NO. I am of opinion, on the contrary, that we ought immediately to withdraw our army; to send home the Hanove rians; and to leave the Belgians and even the Dutch to defend their country against the French, or, again to unite themselves to the French.

I know how some people will stare and blow out their cheeks and snap their mouths at this, as if they were going to bite one's head off: but, you, my Lord, who are a cool, sensible man, are aware, that, if I can offer any solid reasons for this opinion, the opinion ought to have some weight, and that it will have some weight. In order that these reasons may have their fair chance, I must trouble your Lordship with a few preliminary remarks. I know that I am here about to attack your Lordship's darling project; that you will cling to it like the fond parent to an only child: but attack it I must, seeing in it, as I do, the cause of endless war, expense and misery.

serve here, that Napoleon might have retained his throne, if he would have consented to do the same thing, He refused; the war was pushed on; he was overpowered and exiled: and Louis le Desiré gave up to us and our allies that Belgium, which had been won by France, during the time that he was absent from France. So that, it must be evident, to lose this part of their Empire must be very galling to the French.

But, you will say, and with very good reason; what is their soreness to us, if it be for our good to keep them out of Belgium? Now, my Lord, I do not say, that it is not desirable to us, that the French should be kept out of Belgium; but, I am convinced, that it would be much better for us that Belgium should return under the sway of France, than that it should belong to a power, which, without our aid, without our constant assistance, never can keep it for any length of time. When Belgium belonged to the House of Austria, then, indeed, there was a power with half a million of soldiers at its command to defend Belgium. This power was unable to defend it; and, if such a power could not keep it out of the hands of France; if Austria was glad to get rid of the burthen of its defence, how is it to be defended by "the King "of the United Netherlands, "who took the Royal title on him only on the 16th in. stant, and who has been made a king in that Holland, which was before so proud of its Republican institution and liberties.

Belgiuin, we are told, is a barrier against France. A barrier to protect whom, and what? For an answer to this question, I will refer to your memorable Speech, made on the very day on which the Emperor Napoleon entered Paris. Your reporter makes you say, in that speech;-

By Belgium I mean all that country, which, it seems, has, by the Congress, been taken from France and given to the new King. It is not all properly so called but, one name is better than three or four, if it answers all our par poses as well. This Belgium, before the French Revolution, belonged to the House of Austria. It was conquered from that House by the brave and in- With respect to Holland, it was evidentsulted Republicans of France, who also "that nothing could be of greater im conquered other countries, not belong-"portance to this country, than that France ing to the House of Austria. By and by, should not have a continuity of sea-coast peace was made between these powers, extending along the whole of the NetherAustria confirmed Belgium to France by "lands. He had the satisfaction to say, treaty, and received from France other of "that the Allied Powers on the Continent her conquests in return. This was nearly "were not more convinced of the importwenty years ago. Belgium has belonged "tance of this point to us, than tothemto France from that time to the mouth of "selves; and therefore all were agreed May last, when the King of France, by "that the union of the Netherlands with the Treaty of Paris, concluded while the "Holland was one of the most important Russian and German Armies were there," improvements of the face of Europe in gave it up to be disposed of as the Congress "modern times. Neither was it consider

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"that no interest was felt so strongly in "this country, as the conservation of the general liberties of Europe."

ed by them as a concession toGreat Bri"tain, or to the Prince of Orange in par"ticular, but was most cordially listened "to as a means of strenghtening the equi- Such, then, is to be the use of Belgium! "librium of Europe. A kingdom would Belgium is to cover the Kingdom of the "thus be formed powerful in all the resour-Netherlands, and the Kingdom of the ces of soil, commerce,navigation, and mi- Netherlands is to cover the Kingdom of "litary strength; and he had the satisfac- Hanover, "which should be very dear tion of stating that no Sovereign ever to us!" I will pass over your episode on "resumed the exercise of his functions the Hanoverian Legion and on the character of the Prince of Orange, as mat

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You say, that this new Kingdom (which by the bye, has not yet actually been organized) will be able to "resist any assault," at least till other powers can come to its support." So this King, like a Watchman, is, when danger approaches, to spring his ratile, and call others in to his assistance! My good Lord! pray keep yourself cool; but, really, such a scheme! such a scheme was never before thought of in this world.

in calling forth all the resources of Holters too high for my pen; but, really, I "land, and uniting into one, its various cannot refrain from saying, that this parties, than the Prince of Orange had scheme, this darling scheme, which you "done. He hoped that this kingdom seem to think so advantageous to Eugwould be sufficiently strong, both from land, and the account of which seems to nature and art, and in future to be able have given so much pleasure to your Ho"to resist any assault either from the nourable Hearers; seems to have wrapt north or the west, at least until other them in wonder at your surprising skill, powers came forward to its support. penetration, and grandeur of views; I "He trusted it would not be supposed cannot refrain from saying, that this "that any undue concessions had been scheme appears to me to be one of the made, with the view of obtaining an in- weakest that ever entered the head of crease of territory to Hanover. On this mortal man; and, which is a great deal point there had always been some degree worse, fraught with endless calamities to of jealousy in this country; but he was England, because it must be a source of "rather inclined to think that Hanover continual war and expence. "had generally speaking suffered more "than she gained from the connection. Its people had recently proved themselves faithful supporters of Great Britain; and he would say, that there had not been a efficient, more faithful, and honest body of men in our service than the Hanoverian Legion; they amounted to "not less than 12,000 men, to which num"ber they had always been kept up by voluntary enrolment, and it was not too "much to say, that the absence of such a I will not enquire, whether the Belgians, corps might have had a most injurious the Dutch, and the Hanoverians would "effect on our military exertions. The be better off under these arrangements, "preservation of the importance of Hano- than if they were under the French; and, ver, as a constituent state of Germany, I will, for argument's sake, allow, that if should, therefore, be dear to us, as well Belgium be yielded to the French, the "in this point of view, as from its con- Kingdoms of the Netherlands and of “nexion with our reigning family. The Hanover will soon be blown into very "increase of territory she had received, thin air. But, what I contend for is, "tended to consolidate her connexion with that, to keep Belgium from France Engthis country, by the extent of sea coast land must constantly keep on foot a great 'which it gave her: while liable to be in- army in the country; rather than which, tercepted from this country, her effi- it is my opinion, that we ought to suffer ciency was less considerable. From the the French to regain, not only those counmoment she was also in close contact trics, but all the countries which they "with Holland for an extent of 150 miles, possessed in 1813. I am far from wish"this naturally contributed to strengthening, that they should possess all those and protect her. Neither was this a countries; but it would be preferable to connection of which our continental our being involved in continual war. 'allies were at all disposed to feel jealousy. They were thoroughly convinced

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the rejoicing of the people at the late seace arose chiefly from the hope of their being relieved from the long-endured bur lens of the war. It is well known to vou, that, even in peace, our resources, without the war taxes are insufficient. It is well known to you, that loans are in contemplation to supply, in part, in peace, the absence of the Property Tax. What, then, is to be the fate of the fund-holder, if a new war is now to be our lot?

gone on from step to step, till, at last, we] It is well known to your Lordship, that really seem to conceit ourselves a greater military than we are a naval power. Too many amongst us seem to look with sorrow on any thing which shall deprive us of all excuse for keeping up a grea army. Never was there seen so much reluctance to lay aside the gorget and the sash. We have fallen into a set of no ons quite foreign from all our former notions. We are military-mad; and, in the midst of the rage, we seem almost to forget the fleet, the defence which reason and nature so clearly point out 1 us. Continental connexions, against which our forefathers were so anxious to guaru, are now really sought after with eager ness; and, indeed, full of the notion that it was we, who reduced France, we seem to think it necessary, that we should be come almost an integral part of the continent. To defend the kingdom of Hauover, we must first defend the King of the Netherlands. To defend the king dom of the Netherlands we must constantly keep a large army on foot in the Netherlands, and more troops ready to go to the assistance of that army. That country must always be filled with troops in our pay, in peace, or in war. And, is this nation in a state to support such an expense?

However, I perceive, and I perceive it with indignation, that there are persons, who are willing to sacrifice even the fundholders, to send them forth to beg, to spread general ruin and misery over the country, rather than not enter into a new war. I have seen the following alarming words, printed in a very conspicuous manner in the COURIER Newspaper of Tuesday last. They are words which every man in England ought to see; and which ought to draw forth the unanimous voice of the people, in a constitutional manner, against entering upon any war, not absolutely necessary to the safety of the country and His Majesty scrown.

"In contemplating so great an evil, as "war under any circumstances must be, though it may be a blessing by comparison, our means of maintaining the Shall I be told, that no peace can be "contest should be considered. And safe which leaves Belgium in the hands" first, the war, independent of its jusof France? You, my Lord, will hardly" tice and necessity, will have the public tell me so, who defended the peace of" voice on its side, even more than in Amiens, which left Belgium in the hands" France it can have. Our naval and of France; nor will the Earl of Liverpool, “military men with their connexions, who made that treaty, and who contend- | " forming nearly as large though not so ed, in its defence, that the extension of territory which France had gained had not rendered her more formidable to us. Come back, then, to your former doctrines disclaim all connexion with a continent where we never can have power without the ruin of this island; and then we shall have peace; the fund-holders" will be paid; our fleet will still be our bulwark: we shall prosper and shalt be as great as Frauce.

But, if waris again to be our lot; if we are to send out armies to fight amidst the fortresses of Belgium; if millions are to be expended in the kingdoms of the Ne therlands and of Hanover: if a war with out prospect of termination; and almost without a clearly defined object is to be our lot, whence are the means to come: What new sufferings are in store for us

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"absolute a part of the governing class of society, will meet war with "smiles. Our landed gentry and fr "mers will secretly welcome it,as it brought "them so much profit before. Our ship'ping and commercial interests it will, as hitherto, favour, while our navy secures us the sovereignty of the seas. Our "artizans and labourers had their wages "raised during the late contest. Even our manufactures will prosper, with "the Continent of Europe and America open.-ANNUITANTS will, indeed, suffer by the progress of taxation: but "that is the consequence of their taking "themselves out of the circle of activity, "of productive wealth, and of national "prosperity. In the revolutions of pro

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perty the DRONES OF THE STATE "WILL NATURALLY FALL TO

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