" "THE BOTTOM. The nation has f rise to a thousand thoughts in the mind of your Lordship? Do you not see the rising navy in the mouths of the Susqueanah and the ludson?-In short, what Englishman can look that way without alarm? It is well known, that our commerce and shipping, during the last war, were supported by the restrictions, which our navy enabled us to impose on the commerce and navigation of neutrals, and especially on those of America. It is well known, that, had we not claimed the sea as our own, and exercised our power there accordingly, our commerce and navigation must have dwindled into a very small compass, and that those of America would have been swelled to an enormous size, while France, open to the shipping and commerce of Ainerica, would have experienced attle injury from the power of our navy. Such, my lord, is the language of the great partizans of war. You see, they are already paving the way for a seizure of the funded property by stigmatizing the owners as DRONES OF THE STATE, whose fall to the bottom they Well, then, is it to be believed, when seem to contemplate without the smallest we look at the progress and conclusion degree of pain or inquietude. In short, of the American war, that we shail again rather than not gratify their vindictive attempt those restrictions on her comfeelings against the ruler and the people merce and navigation? This is not to of France, they seem perfectly ready to be believed; and, if we were to attempt involve England in all the miseries of them, is it to be believed, that we should Revolution; for, I am sure your lord- not instantly find America a party in the ship wants nothing from me to convince war against us? The late event in you, that the measures here plainly hint-France, will excite, in America, joy uned at would plunge the country into general confusion and blood-shed. Whether the "public voice "will be for war we shall, probably, soon see, but, who would have expected to hear those, who are accusing Napoleon of a design to go to war to gratify his army, urging you to go to war, because war will please our naval and military men! and because (as it is falsely asserted) war will gratify the cupidity of landholders, farmers, ship owners, merchants, and manufacturers! Was there ever be fore urged such reasons in justification of war? bounded, and especially amongst those against whom the malicious shafts of the editors of our newspapers were levelled. When they hear these men describe Napoleon as a “traiter and a rebel,” they will recollect, that the very same men described the President, their constitutional Chief Magistrate, as a traitor and 66 a rebel," and that they called upon his fellow citizens, who had freely chosen him, to depose him and kill him. The Americans, my Lord, are not to be made believe, that Napoleon has forced himself upon the French nation; they are not to be made believe, that he has none But, my lord, long as this address to but the army on his side; they are not you already is, there is one view of this to be made believe, that he is merely impending danger, to which I must yet the head of " a band of Janisaries;" they beg leave to call your serious attention. are not to be made believe, that, with a It is said, that" war will, as hitherto mere handful of soldiers, he could have "favour our shipping and commercial marched from Cannes to Paris, unless he "interests, while our navy secures us had been the man of the people; they are "the sovereignty of the seas. And, not to be made believe, that the Bourafterwards, it is said, that our " Manuous would have fed from a throne and "facturers will prosper with the conti"nent of Europe and America open. Does not the very name of America, coupled with that of war in Europe, give the sovereignty over 30 millions of people, unless they had been convinced, that that people were on the side of Napoleon; they are not to be made believe all, or any, of these things; but, they will see, in this event, a proof of the fact, of which fact some of them before doubted, that Napoleon reigns in virtue of the love and the choice of the Freuch nation. The American Government will, for a while, at least, be disposed to remain at peace with us; but we may be well assured, that it will never again submit to any restrictions on its commerce and navigation, not warranted by the wel known and universally acknowledged law of nations; and, it would not be at all surprising, if it should lean very strongly towards France, if we were to make war upon the latter for the purpose of dietating a Government to her in direct op position to her will, now so clearly declared. Here, therefore, is a difficulty, which we had not to contend with in the last war, These prizes, which this writer holds out as a bait to our naval officers and their connexions, would not be so numerous. Indeed they would be very few in number. The commerce of France would, to a great extent, be carried on in American ships, America would be the carrier for both nations. The increase of her navigation would signify nothing at all to France; indeed, France would rejoice at it, because it would be tremendously dangerous to us. arms. Let no flatterer persuade your Lordship, that the Americans are to be either wheedled or corrupted. They love peace; but they are a wise people, and they will well know, that they must provide for war. The last year has taught them, that they must depend solely on their They will remember the flames at Frenchtown, Stonington and Washington. They will remember their sufferings from the hands of our Indian allies. They will remember our considering their naturalized citizens as traitors. But, above all things, they will remember this: that, the moment Napoleon was down, and we had no enemy to contend with in Europe, our newspapers inculcated the necessity of subduing America; of punishing her; of destroying her form of Government of dividing her States; of getting rid of this example of the success of Democratic rebellion. They will remember, too, that our presses called their President a traitor and a rebel; that they vowed never to have peace with] 1 him; that they called upon the people. to kill him. They will remember, that even the Prime Minister, in his place, stated, that, from the kind treatment of ur prisoners of war in America, it ap-. peared that a part, at least, of the people of that country wished to put them. selves under his Majesty's protection. They will be well convinced, that from utter ruin and subjugation they have. been preserved by the wisdom of their Government, the patriotism of themselves, and the skill and bravery of their navy and army; and not by any for bearance on our part. In short, when we look back to what has passed during, the last year, can we, if we go to war with Napoleon, suppose it wonderful if the Americans prepare themselves immediately for taking any advantage of any circumstances, which that war might offer, to deal us such a blow as would, for ever after, put it out of our power to bring their independence into danger? The return of Napoleon will necessarily produce great satisfaction in America; because, the Bourbons were essentially her enemies. Talleyrand had lent his aid to the annihilation of the last of Republics in Europe. All Europe seemed to be bound down for ever, or at least, for ages, within the lines and limits of the monarchs at Vienna. They and their ministers, without reference to the wishes of any body of people, inhabiting any of the transferred countries, had disposed of the whole at their will. All the ligatures were prepared and put in their places, the tying of the last knot being all that was wanted. Your Lordship says, that this was done with the sole view of insuring long tranquillity and happiness to Europe. I dare say it was; but different men view the same transactions in a different light. America would see this grand work with great pain; and, of course she would rejoice at that event which, in a moment, has snapped all the ligatures and blown them to the winds. Our great naval power, and especially the disposition which we have evinced to use that power, when occasion offered, against the commerce, the shipping, and even the soil of America, will naturally induce her to wish to see us enfeebled. It will be impossible for an American to look back to the flames of Washington and the plunder of Alexandria, without wishing earnestly to see our "and a rebel;" they call him, just as they called Mr. MADISON, impostor, liar, villain, slave, felon, coward, and insist that he ought to be considered as out of the pale of all legal protection. They call upon all the world to come and scourge the French nation whom they call thieves, slaves, blood-hounds, murderers, kill-kings, and every thing else that is abominable. It is impossible that this language of our press should not produce a great and last power reduced. And, in this temper of mind, is it not to be feared, is it not to be expected, that, if we are at war with Napoleon only few years, some occasion will be seized on by America to as sist in reducing us to a state which will relieve her from all future apprehensions of hostility from us? Napoleon, who has now seen of what stuff America is made, of what importance she is, and of what greater importance she will be, and must be, in the world, will take special care to cherish her friendship, to gratifying mischief. Indeed, there is good her merchants and traders, to treat her Government with respect. America and France have no objects of rival ship. Neither is afraid of the other. The products of one are wanted by the other. The growth of the power of each tends to the good of both. Both, from unhappy circumstances and events, are the bitter enemies of England; and, if we go to war with France, at this time, and without such grounds as shall justify war in the eyes of all the world, have we not reason to fear, that we shall have America also for an enemy. reason to believe, that these writers have, in no small degree, contributed towards the facilitating of Napoleon's return. They have been continually holding up our army as the conquerors of France; they have incessantly la boured to vilify all those who shone in the French army; they have been marking nien out for vengeance as Jacobins, Regicides, &c. they have been recom mending and applauding every measure, tending to re-exalt the emigrants and to shake the property of the new proprie tors. It was they who first urged the My Lord, in conclusion, let me beg of restoration to the noblesse of the national you to observe what mighty mischief bas domains which remained unsold, a meabeen done by the vile men, who conduct sure which could not be regarded as the principal of our London newspapers. any thing less than a preliminary step Ja America, where our language is the to the ousting of the whole of the new language of the country, all our threats proprietors; a measure against which I have been repeated through a thousand repeatedly cautioned the King; a meachannels. There is not a single man, or sure, which, perhaps, more than any boy of ten years of age, in all that vast other, has contributed to his overthrow. country, who has not read the outrageous Then, my Lord, the falschoods of these abuse and the insolent and bloody de- men. Their wilful falsehoods. Their nunciations of the Times newspaper impudent fabrications. Their disgrace to against the President, the Congress, the the press, to literature, to the country, People of America. Not a soul of them is now manifest to all men. It is to the has failed to see their country marked out readers, the silly or malicious pupils, of for plunder and subjugation; themselves these wicked men that theFrench peofor chastisement, or, in the words of wise ple have offered ridicule, scorn and inCurtis, for "a confounded good flog-sult in this hour of the people's triumph. "ging" their President as a nan to Be One of these pupils, in the COURIER deposed," being "a traiter and a rebel.”of Tuesday last writes from Brighton Thus have been implanted in the minds The only persons in Franceof a people not given to passion, the "who appear in trouble about this feelings of hatred and revenge; feelings event are the poor English. The roads which cannot be eradicated for many are covered with them---their despeyears; feelings which must exist dur- "rate haste--their melancholy faces--ng the present generation; feelings which" and, their bad French-all serve to have already produced, and which must Continue to produce, incalculable mischief to our country. At the present moment, these same vile meu, are proceeing in precisely the same course. They denominate Napoleon "a traitor" ་་ thus: 66 46 "excite the risibility of the people of "France as they post through their country. I can assure you that they are not sparing of their insolence and "ridicule, nor do they forget to charge you for what you take. I stopped at Feeble as my pen is, when compared with your herculean labours, and the powerful energies of your mind, I feel it to be my duty to raise my voice, at this awful moment, against the prosecution of measures which have already proved so fatal to our national prosperity, that, in place of Great Britaiù now occupying the proud eminence, from which she commanded the homage of nations, she appears, alas! to be fast verging to a state of irretrievable ruin, and to have become an object of contempt amongst those who formerly envied her greatness. What a terrible, what a useful lesson has the American war taught our rulers, if they are at all capable of being taught by misfortunes!-Only a few short months before, they formed the resoluti a small inn for a few minutes, about “25 miles from Dieppe; at the door there 66 were crowds of persons amusing "themselves with remarks upon the English passengers. The news just "then arrived of Bonaparte's approach "to Paris, and probable entry in a few "hours-all was vehemence and confu"sion, and unbounded joy expressed, ""Notre Empereur," "Napoleon," "Napoleon le Grand," appeared to electrify and fill their hearts with joy." -Here, then, my Lord, in spite of all their fabrications, peps out the fact, that THE PEOPLE of France as well as the army are filled with joy at Napoleon's return. And why should the poor English be in trouble and have melan"choly faces" at this even? Strange in deed, that they should sorrow for them-on of overthrowing democracy, of exselves! It is their annoyance; it is their insolence, which has thus been repaid with ridicule and scorn. They had the audacity, to look upon France as a sort of colony of England; and in their sorrow, their melancholy faces, at Napoleon's return, the people of France saw no feeble proof, that that return was for the good and for the honour of France, 66 " tinguishing republicanism or the other side the Atlantic, we had acquired the renown of having defeated, in numerous battles, the soldiers of a nation that had, for twenty years, overawed the Continent of Europe, and that had dictated terms, in their very capitals, to all its sovereigns, who considered themselves happy in being permitted to hold their crowns by the suffrance of the victors. Not only so, but to our powerful exertions, it was owing that the greatest captain of the age, the man who could boast that victory had never deserted his standard, was so completely subdued as to seek for safety in retirement, leaving the field of battle, the scene of all his glory, and that of the people who had so long exulted in his and their triumphs, in our full and undisputed possession! What an elevated rank to hold in the scale of nations! What an enviable situation! Had the helm of the State been guided by prudence; had moderation influenced our national councils, we never could have been driven from this lofty pinnacle. Ages might have passed away, but Great Britain would have remained the admiration and the envy of the world. Pride, hatred and ambition has subverted the stately fabric. WAR WITH FRANCE. Nothing would satisfy us but the overMr. COBBETT. The praiseworthy, throw of American independence. In the patriotic and honourable exertions place of attributing our successes here which you are now making, to avert the to a fortunate concurrence of circumcalamities consequent on a renewal of stances, we fancied ourselves invincible, the war with France, call for the sup-We entered the contest vaunting of our port of every real friend to his country. omnipotence. We despised the enemy Thus, my Lord, have I given you my reasons for objecting to a war with France, either for the purpose of restoring the Bourbons, or for that of securing Belgium to the new King of the Netherlands. I do not, I must confess, entertain very sanguine hopes, that this my advice will be attended with better success than that which I offered as to the commencement and prolongation of the unfortunate and disgraceful war against the American States; and, if, in spite of what I deem the plain dictates of sense and reason and love of country, this new war is to be waged, I have only to add my sincere wishes, that my predictions may not, in this case, as in the former, be so completely fulfilled. I am, &c. WM, COBBETT. Botley, 30th March, 1815. we had to encounter. Already we had double that number in the course of one short month, if so tremendous a force was necessary to give stability to his throne, or even to extend his conquests. It is impossible at present to divine his intentions. Circumstances may justify the opinion, that he will insist upon making the Rhine the boundary of its success. iance. If he should, it would be a invincibility has been broken; the wise policy in the allied powers not to talisman of our omnipotence, has bee: oppose this. They have accused Napodissipated; and Britain, proud Britain.eon of being unbounded in his ambition. Would it not be worth the trial, to give him those limits which nature has so clearly pointed out as belonging to the French Empire? Should he pass these, without cause of provocation, he might then be opposed as the common enemy of mankind. To war against him, in his present favourable situation in crder to prevent his obtaining that object, would has fallen from the summit of her great purpose of reinstating the Bourbons, 21 |