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the bunch I had gathered. You must go with me "a la Ville," I remonstrated says he, "devant le Maire." -he threatened: at length he consented to let me off for a frank. This I should not have complied with, if my company had not been forward, and waiting for me; but would have

In the

south, where vineyards are universal, the same degree of strictness would not have appeared in this particular, but the watchful spirit is perceived every where.

with a pike in his hand, met me, and civilly enand consuodious apartment, called the Bureau des were good. "Les raisins Passports, - I have no doubt but this important ob-quired if the grapes out ils bons ?" " Non," replied I. . Comme ject is attained without difficulty or confusion. I presume passports are procured without much tron-ca;" and shewed, in Ule or any expence to the parties: they are therefore not likely to be neglected by any but the evil disposed; and as general security is the aim, and in a great degree the result, of these seemingly severe regulations, they may be submitted to with cheerfulness. A police of this kind must prevent the existence of such hordes of banditti as infest our me-paid the legal penalty before the mayor. tropolis. Bere can be no dark aud inscrutable recesses where villains by profession may collec: in a mass, and conspire against the public. This is the lair side. How much these regulations lavour political | Tyranuy, I am not qualified to say; but here I suspect mischeif. However, the clerks in this office appear to be a civil, respectable set, and much better employed in preventing crimes, and are probably better men, than the swarm of police officers, with us, who live by them; who, by overlooking small offences, nurse up the criminals to that emi-ful character renders pilfering unprofitable and nence in guilt, which entitles the thief-taker to a reward. Security of person and property, two great ends of Society, are attained in a higher degree under the French than under the English

ystem.

Prevention of crimes is the very spirit of the former, which pervades every place, and meets you at every turn. la the country, the Gardes champetres, a revolutionary institution, are the great means, always in activity, of crushing them in the egg. One or more of these officers is appointed in every commune, whose duty it is to prevent all petty depredations, and even trespasses ont of the public paths. In every case they may arrest the offender, and carry him before the mayor of the commune, who levies a penalty according to law, These men are always on the alert; armed, mostly with a pike, sometimes with a gun; and are authorized to use force in case of resistance. In towns, the preventive police is prformed by the military, and most effectually. Being under the direction of the civil power, if such a force must be maintained, perhaps thi, is the best mode of employing it. The regularity and strictness of military discipline, form the French soldiers into excellent civil guards, and the end is so beneficial that the means may well be tolerated. The Gardes champet.es are so watchtyl and alert, sort of ubiquity that they seem to possess which is very effectual in preventing petty depredations. Walking up a hill from Gorbeit, I strayed into a vineyard by the road side. The grapes were miserable; small as currants, and unripe. To pluuder was the last thing I should have thought As 1 of; however I picked a little bunch. came out of the vineyard, a stout young fellow,

a

With a Government really Representative, such a police would not be an engine of oppression: and to estimate its value in comparison with a vindic tive police, such as that of England, we must consider the wretchedness of the agent of a criminal act, as well as the suffering of its object. Its watch

dangerous, therefore it is not followed as a profession: a man rises to an accomplished villain by degrees, therefore the prevention of small offences Rinders the commission of atrocious crimes.

(To be continued.)

MARSHAL MARMONT.

SIR,-At the time the influence of the allies caused the defection of the Duke of Ragusa from Napoleon, the Duke was stationed at the head of forty thousand of the finest troops in the French service, to act as a screen on Paris, on the approach of the allies to that capital. This command formed an important post in the plan of a master-piece of Generalship, by the execution of which, had Marmont only remained faithful, the allies would have fallen in the hands of Napoleon, When the Duke of Ragusa consented to betray Napoleon, he detached twenty thousand of these troops from his army; sending them quite out of the way; the affectionate devotion to the cause of their country, and the enthusi astic attachment to Napoleon of the whole of this veteran army, rendering even the remaining twenty thousand men a formidable corps. To these the Duke of Ragusa contrived to have THIRTY pound shot served out, although their largest guns carried only TWENTY poun ders; and so minutely did he enter into the details of treachery, that he caused SAND to be mixed with the powder

which was to be used by these brave fel-pendence of Europe may be possibly lows !!!--The attempt made by the Duke of Ragusa to vindicate his conduca towards Napoleon, obliges me, in com mon justice, to refute all his laboured defence, by this plain statement of FACTS: for confirmation of the truth of which, I appeal to the survivors of all those brave soldiers, whom he THUS left to be SLAUGHTERED!! I am, &c. MIRATOR.

Clifton, April 13, 1815.

THE ADDRESS.

disturbed. Ministers, I have no doubt, ardently desire war. But war does not suit them just at present. They must communicate with the Allies. Some of them may have been offended at Congress. They want also large subsidies. The property tax, or something like it, will be the next ministerial measure, And soon after war will be declared against France. I hope I am mistaken, but a short time will determine.

Yours, &c. &c. G. G. F. London, April 12th, 1815,

LORD COCHRANE.

MR. COBBETT.-Ia the Regent's Message to Parliament, we are told, that the events which have recently occurred in France, threaten consequences highly His Lordship has addressed a Letter dangerous to the tranquillity and inde-"To his Constituents," in which he fully pendence of Europe. Let us pause here explains his motives for leaving the King's

for a moment, and consider whether

one ventures to censure the conduct of

his Lordship. I have no room for more than the following extracts:---

or not this broad assertion be true.--Bo- | Bench prison, and the objects he had in naparte, we know, has declared his deter- view in taking his seat in the House of mination to rest on the Treaty of Paris; Commons. Justice requires that this he has declared that he will not invade publication should be read, before any other countries, but only difend himself against foreign attack. In what then consists the danger to the tranquillity and independence of Europe? Why should not all Europe continue in the present state of peace? France has, by a calm Revolution, changed her Ruler; Louis left the throne, and Napoleon took it; and it is clear that Napoleon is the choice and approbation of the French People. Who dare dispute the right of the People to the choice of their Rulers? In what respect then does this simple, but wonderful change endanger the tranquillity of Europe? We are told that there is to be an augmentation of his Majesty's land, and sea forces. For what purpose is this augmentation? Will not this augmentation of land and sea forces lead to an augmentation of land and sea taxes? Is not the whole world now in a state of Peace, and ought not every thing to return to a peace esta blishment! Must we be for ever in the expensive attitude of war, because the tranquillity of Europe may, some time or other, be disturbed? Who is to disturb it? At one time, the Emperor of Russia; at another time the King of Prussia; at another, Napoleon Bonaparte, or Louis the 18th, 19th, or 20th; may be said to endanger it. And so we are to be perpetually burdened with increasing axes, because the tranquillity and inde

"I have heard much about the duty of submitting to the laws, but not enough to inspire me with reverence for iniquity exercised under legal appearances. It is not by him who resists injustice committed under the forms of law, but by him who makes those forms the instruments and the cloke of injustice, that the laws are violated. I did not, however, quit these walls to escape from personal op pression, but at the hazard of my life to assert that right to liberty which as a member of the community I have never forfeited, and that right which I received from you, to attack in its very den, the corruption which threatens to annihilate the liberties of us all. I did not quit them to fly from the justice of my country, but to expose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who clude that justice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name. quit them from the childish motive of impatience under suffering: I staid long enough here to evince that I could ep

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dure restraint as a pain, but not as a pe- been long most unjustly detained; but
nalty. I staid long enough to be certain I judged it better to endeavour to
that my persecutors were conscious of
their injustice; and to feel that my sub
mission to their unmerited inflictions was
losing the dignity of resignation, and
siaking into the ignominious endurance
of an insult.

"Gentlemen; if it had not been for
the commotion excited by that obnoxious,
injurious, and arbitrary measure, the
Corn Bill, which began to evince itself
on the day of my departure from prison,
(which was on the anniversary of my;
escape from similar oppression at Malta
four years before,) I should have lost no
time in proceeding to the House of Com-
mons: but conjecturing that the spirit of
disturbance might derive some encourage
ment from my unexpected appearance at
that time, and having no inclination to
promote tumalt, I resolved to defer my
appearance at that House, and, if possible,
to conceal my departure from the Prison,
until the order of the Metropolis should be
restored. I had, however, been out but
a few days when I received intimation
that a Committee of the House of Com-
ons appointed to enquire into the state
of the Prison, had discovered that I was
absent. Conceiving that they would
communicate the circumstance, and auxi-
ous to obviate any false impressions as to
my motives and intentions, I immediately
addressed the following Letter to the
Speaker, which I fully expected he would

have read to the House:

Lendon, March, 9, 1815.

Sir: I respectfully request that you will state to the Honourable the House of Commons, that I should immediately and personally have communicated to them my departure from the custody of Lord Ellenborough, by whom I have

conceal my absence, and to defer my appearance in the House until the public agitation excited by the Corn Bill, should subside. And I have further to request. that you will also communicate to the House that it is my intention on an early day to present myself for the purpose of taking my seat, and moving an Inquiry into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough.--I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

COCHRANE."

"Gentlemen: If the Right Honourable the Speaker had thought proper to comply with my request; if he had read my Letter to the Hone, as he afterwards read that which he received from the Marshal of the King's Bench, relative to my apprehension; the scandalous re

ports which appeared in the hireling Journals, attributing my conduct to criminal or contemplative motives, could not have been invented or propagated.

"I did not go to the House of Commons to complain about losses or sufferiags; about fine or imprisonment; or of property to the amount of ten times the fine, of which I have been cheated by this malicious Prosecution. I did not go to the House to complain of the mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by a reference to that Decision from which that Defence was an Appeal. I did not go there to complain of those who expelled me from my Profession: for if I could have stooped to the Enemies of my Country at home, I might still have instrumental in humbling its Enemies abroad. I did not go to the House to complain, generally, of the Advisers of the Crown: but I went there to complain of the conduct of him

been

Plated and Published by G, HOUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the
Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

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VOL. XXVII. No. 16.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1815. [Price 1s.

4811

TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.

[482

"want to force the French to put down

On the approaching War against France." their present chief." That is to say,

The last war against France swelled the annual taxes on account of the National Debt from 9 millions of pounds to 41 millions of pounds; it caused, besides this, 600 millions of pounds to be raised, during the war, in other taxes; it has reduced us to such a state, that, even in peace, loans were become necessary, besides taxes almost as heavy as in time of war. Such, in short, in a pecuniary view, were the effects of that war, that the government found it expedient to resort to a Corn-Bill, in order to raise and keep up the price of the first necessary of life, that the Owners and Tillers of the soil might be able to pay the taxes which that government wanted to pay the interest of the Debt and to maintain the military establishments.

These facts being undeniable, have we not reason to dread the consequences of another war against France? Ought we to run head-long into such a war? I have, in my four last Numbers, strenuously laboured to prevent this calamity; but, I now really begin to fear, that the wishes of the enemies of peace and freedom may finally prevail. The Income or Property Tar is again to be brought forward, and, if the news-papers be correct, on the same principle as before. The Alien Act is again to be proposed, if we are to rely upon the same sources of information. In short, if the accounts of proceedings in Parliament be true, we shall very soon be thrown back to the state of 1813 as to expence, and to 1793 as to principle of action.

In my late Numbers I have, I think, very clearly shown, that, if we now make war upon France, it will be out of the power of any human being to dispute the fact; that the war, on our part, is a war of aggression, and of aggression, too, of the most odious and intolerable kind, seaing that even its openly professed object must be to force a government, or a chief, upon France. It is said: "No: we only

we, modest people! do not wish, God forbid to interfere in the internal affairs of France; we do not wish to force a chief upon her; but, she having a chief whom we do not like, we will make war upon her, until she put him away. That is all! Our modesty will not let us go an inch further.

In order that you may clearly see what is the light, in which the French government view the matter, I shall subjoin to this address the Official Documents published in France, relative to it. In these you will find the answer, which France gives to all her enemies. Here you will find a clear description of the grounds, on which she rests. The first document contains an answer to the charges against her and her chief; the second contains the reasons for her preparing for her defence. To these documents I have prefixed the memorable Declaration of the Allies, dated at Vienna on the 13th of March. This was the first stone hurled at the French nation. A careful perusal, and an occasional reference, to these Documents, will keep fresh in the memory of every man the REAL CAUSES of the war, if war should now take place.

The Borough-faction, who are now crying out for war through the columns of our vile news-papers, tell us, that we cannot live in safety, while Napoleon is at the head of the government of France. This has, under all changes, been their cry for the last 22 years. We could not live at peace with the National Assembly. We could have no peace and safety with the Convention. We could not have peace and safety with the Consuls. We could have no peace and safety with the Emperor before; no, nor can we have it with him now. The BOURBONS: these are the people, with whom alone our Borough-faction think they can enjoy peace. We must, therefore, depose Napoleon: yes, as we deposed Mr. MADISON! The peace of Europe and the world; and, especially our own safety, require, we are શ

told, this deposition. But, just so we were and social relations; and that as an ́enetold in the case of Mr. Madison. "Nomy and disturber of the tranquillity of the "peace! No peace! No peace with JAMES world he has rendered himself liable to MADISON!" was the cry of this faction. public vengeance. They declare at the Down with him! Send Duke Wellington! same time, that firmly resolved to mainKill! kill! kill! Keep killing; keep bom-tain entire the Treaty of Paris of the barding; keep burning; keep on till James 30th May, 1814, and the dispositions sancMadison be deposed; 'till that "rebel tioned by that Treaty, and those which and traitor;" 'till that "mischievous ex- they have resolved on, or shall hereafter "ample of the success of democratic re- resolve on, to complete and to consolidate "bellion be destroyed." They said our it, they will employ all their means, and work was but half done, 'till this was ac- will unite all their efforts; that the genecomplished; and, they have become al- ral peace, the object of the wishes of Eumost mad since their scheme was defeated. rope, and the constant purpose of their Well, then, Englishmen, can you be- labours, may not again be troubled; and lieve, that these same men; that this same to guarantee against every attempt which wicked faction, wish to put down Napo- shall threaten to replunge the world into leon for the love of freedom? Was it for the disorders and miseries of revolutions. the love of freedom that they wished to And although entirely persuaded that all depose Mr. Madison? Can you believe, France, rallying round its legitimate Sovethat it is from the fear of our safety being reign, will immediately annihilate this last put in danger by Napoleon? Was it attempt of a criminal and impotent delirifrom the fear of our safety being endan- um; all the Sovereigns of Europe anigered by Mr. Madison that they wished mated by the same sentiments, and guided to depose him? Do you think, that they by the same principles, declare that if, conwere afraid, that Mr. Madison would trary to all calculations, there should reover-run Europe with his armies? Alas! sult from this event any real danger, they do you not see what is their real fear? will be ready to give to the King of France, Do you not see, that it is liberty; that it and to the French nation, or to any other is free government; that it is the rights Government that shall be attacked, as of mankind, which they wish to see de-soon as they shall be called upon, all the posed? Some patriot said: "where liberty is, there is my country." If this faction were to speak out honestly, they would " where liberty is, there is our Hel!!"

say:

DECLARATION OF THE ALLIES.

The Powers who have signed the Treaty of Paris, assembled at the Congress at Vienna, being informed of the escape of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and the interest of social order, to make a solemn declara

assistance requisite to restore public tran quillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compromise it. The present Declaration inserted in the Register of the Con gress assembled at Vienna, on the 13th March, 1815, shall be made public. Done and attested by the Plenipotentiaries of the High Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, Vienna, 13th March, 1815. Austria-Prince Metternich, Baron Wis

senberg.

France.-Prince Talleyrand, the Duke of
Dalberg, Latour du Pin, Count Alex's
and Noailles.

tion of the sentiments which this event
has excited in them. By thus breaking
the convention which has established him
in the island of Elba, Bonaparte destroys
the only legal title on which his existence
depended by appearing again in France
with projects of confusion and disorder,
he has deprived himself of the protection
of the law, and has manifested to the uni
verse, that there can be neither peace nor
truce with him. The Powers consequently
déclare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has
placed himself without the pale of civil Sweden.-Lafmenhelm.

Great Britain.-Wellington, Clancarty.
Cathcart, Stewart.

Portugal.-Count Pamella Saldanha Lobs.
Prussia.-Prince Hardenberg, Baron
Humboldt.
Russia.-Count

Rasumowsky, Count
Staeckelberg, Count Nesselrode.
Spain.-P. Gomez Labrador.

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