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placed. It was impossible, therefore, whelming torrent of malignity, of prethey could be correct either as to his mo- judice, of malice, and of misrepresentatives of action or the consequences likely tion. I denied that Napoleon had ever to result from the step which he took. It been defeated in the field. He, no doubt, is pretty certain also that the abdication found it necessary to retreat after the batof Napoleon was an event which his ene- tle of Leipsic. But this, confessedly, was mies little expected. They could not occasioned by the defection of his Allies, conceive how a man that had been so long who went over to the Confederates in the accustomed to dispose of crowns at plea- heat of the engagement. Even the treasure, could so far become the master of son which led to this disaster did not prehimself; could so readily subdue, what vent Napoleon carrying off the greater they called, his inordinate ambition, could part of his faithful troops, a circumstance bring his mind so easily to abandon the which could not have happened had he splendour, the dignity, the glory that is suffered a defeat. During the six weeks supposed, by its votaries, to accompany he resisted, with a handful of men, the royalty. They had no conception, no whole combined forces of Europe, in their idea that Napoleon, the haughty, the des- attempts to reach Paris, he was on all ocpotic Napoleon, the slave of every vile casions successful when he could bring and despicable passion, was capable of his opponents to face him in battle. The conquering himself, and of voluntarily re- astonishing skill, and undaunted bravery linquishing empire over a nation so pow- which he displayed in that campaign, with erful and so celebrated as that of France. so fearful an odds against him, would have Therefore these vile detractors of his been sufficient to immortalize his name as fame, confounded at the unexpected event, a warrior, had he done nothing else to inhad determined never to give him credit sure the suffrages of posterity. It was in for any one act of his life; those hired ca- this light I viewed him at the time. It lumniators resolved, the moment they had was in language similar to this that I conin some measure recovered from their stu- veyed my ideas of his astonishing exploits; por, to give Napoleon no quarter. He and when at last he was forced to give up was a coward, a paltroon, a contemptible the contest, I hesitated not to attribute fellow. A thousand anecdotes were in- this to treason, to foul and premeditated vented, to shew that he had resigned his treason, on the part of those in whom he crown merely to insure his personal safety; had placed implicit confidence. Still it that he had preferred a secure retreat to was in his power, I remarked, to prolong the welfare of his old and faithful ad- hostilities, even after the Allies got posherents; and that, when the means of session of the capital. He had, I stated, a wiping off the disgrace, which this shame- considerable force under his immediate ful conduct entailed upon him; when he command, which, with the troops occupywas urged by his nearest and dearesting the garrisons, and acting in other parts friends to imitate the example of the an- of France, would have formed an army, cient Roman heroes, and to close his ca- wholly attached to his person, sufficiently reer by what they ironically denominated, formidable to make head against the ina deed worthy of his great name, he cow- vaders. With this force, I observed, it ardly rejected the proposal, shrunk from was in his power to render a contest for the appearance of death, which he had so the government of the country a matter at often braved in a thousand forms, and least of considerable doubt, had he not sought a hiding place, from the scrutiny preferred the tranquillity and the prosand contempt of honourable minds, on a perity of France to his own individual barren and inaccessible rock in the Ocean. rights. The Allied Powers had declared Thus it was that the haters of Napo- that they would not enter upon terms with leon explained his motives of action; thus Napoleon, or any of his family. This it was that they scrutinized his conduct.- was making it a personal quarrel, which The reader who was accustomed at that would have led immediately to a civil war period to attend to the remarks which I in France. To avoid this, I said, Napooffered on this subject, will not fail to re- leon readily abandoned all his pretentions collect that I ventured, notwithstanding to the crown, agreed to accept a pension the almost universally prevailing clamour for himself and house, and to become an against Napoleon, to oppose this over-exile, in order to give the nation an opper

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tunity of choosing another ruler. I also | Napoleon in the light of a defeated or a remarked, that the conditions of the treaty degraded Monarch, with whom no chances of Fontainbleau was such, as clearly of recovery remained. On the contrary, showed that the Allies still considered it is plainly admitted, that the advantagehim a formidable personage, whom it was ous terms which he obtained, were the desirable to get rid of almost upon any consequence of his being then too formidaterms; that, instead of having been dictated ble to temporize with, and too much the to, Napoleon had proposed the articles idol of the army to think of prescribing of the treaty, which the Allies considered any other conditions to him than what, in it prudent to accept, rather than risk a re- the circumstances, were honourable and newal of the contest with a man who had just. The particular acts of treason, so often made them feel the fatal effects of which paralized the efforts of Napoleon, opposing his measures. In fact, had not have also been distinctly admitted by those Napoleon obtained a victory over himself; who formerly denied them. All this, I had he not preferred the happiness of am aware, has not resulted from a desire France to his own immediate interest, a to do justice to that great character. lle struggle for authority might have com- never would, I am satisfied, have been able menced, more fatal to the country than all to draw from his enemies an acknowledgshe had endured in the course of the revo- ment of the truth, had they not found this lution. With these views it might have acknowledgment necessary to their own been easy for me to have predicted the re-justification. But in whatever way the turn of Napoleon, had it been safe in the then state of Europe to hint at such an event. But whatever danger there might have been in avowing this opinion, I knew that there was none in being persuaded in my own mind that he would be recalled by the people of France. I never once doubted this, though, I confess, it happened at a period when I least looked for it, and has been attended with consequences more favorable to liberty than my most sanguine expectations had led me to expect. But while the fact of Napoleon's restoration, proves the correctness of my former views as to that particular, it has also brought to light a mass of evidence as to the real causes of his abdication, and the highly favorable terms he obtained from the Allies, which completely lays open the falsehoods of his traducers, and gives to my original speculations on these topics an importance which I scarcely calculated they ever would receive. I had no means of discovering the motives which influenced the Allies, or any part of their deliberations; but, from what has been repeatedly stated by Ministers, in both houses of Parliament,-from official papers laid on the table of the House of Commons-and from the important French documents inserted above, it is perfectly obvious that my remarks at the time of Napoleon's abdication, were as correct as if I had been fully acquainted with the discussions which led to the treaty of Fontainbleau. In fact, it now appears that the Allied Sovereigus neither considered

truth has come out, it is now before the public, and ought to have the effect, at least, of undeceiving them, of opening their eyes to the villainous efforts which are every day making, by a base and corrupted press, to involve us in a new war with France. All that these hirelings said as to the causes of Napoleon's abdication; all the lies they invented to make it be believed, that he was deserted by his army, and hated by the people; all and every one of these falsehoods and calumnies have now been exposed and refuted, and that by the publication of documents which cannot be controverted, and which always command the highest assent. But sincerely as I wish these facts to produce a corresponding effect, I am much afraid that the attempts again making to mislead the public mind, will counteract every endeavour of mine to dispose them to peaceable pursuits. How, indeed, can it be otherwise, when the mass of the people are so fickle and inconsistent. They cry for war; nothing will satisfy them but interminable war; yet, with the same breath, they grumble and fret against the taxes, without which it is impossible for any set of men to carry on war. They would have Napoleon destroyed; they would have France degraded and partitioned; but although they know that these things cannot even be attempted without money, that new and large loans must be resorted to, that the assessed taxes must be greatly increased to pay the interest of these, and that the Income Tax, that tax which

has already been denominated a "high- While hope remains, put forth your manly wayman's tax" by the supporters of strength; unite firmness with moderation; the "Social System," is to be renewed convincing argument with eloquence; and with all its terrors. Although they have continue to demonstrate to the divided already felt, and must again feel the per- world, that Peace is better than War.nicious effects of these measures, even No period, in the annals of history, affords should the country continue in a state of to the contemplative mind a collection of peace, they still bawl out for war, for the events so great in magnitude, so extensive punishment of the "rebels" in France, in their interests, or so awful in their confor the overthrow of those institutions sequences, as those which at this moment which have exalted France to so lofty a agitate Europe. It is not the concern of a pinnacle, and for the destruction of that single nation, or the interest of this geneman who has endeared himself to the ration only, but the prosperity and happiwhole nation, by uniformly protecting ness of nations unborn, of ages yet to these institutions. All this the enemies of come, that are involved in the doubtful France, and of liberty, demand at the determination of a few individuals.—What hands of ministers, and yet they are so heart, possessed of a single spark of huunreasonable as to complain because they manity, does not sicken when he views the are called upon to contribute the means sanguinary Proclamation issued at Vienby which alone their wishes are to be ac- na? Are our principles and dispositions complished. If we are to have war with to be guided by the hostile spirit it France, I am satisfied that neither ten nor breathes?--Are we to draw our rules of fifteen per cent. on income will be sufli- morality and justice from thence?-Does cient to support it for any length of time. the happiness of society and the world deAccording to present appearances, France pend on doing evil that good may come? will not be very speedily reduced. It will-If ever a public declaration merited take twenty per cent. at least to accom-universal censure, surely this of all others plish this, if ever it is accomplished. Let demands it. Are these the specimens of those then, who cry for war, who cant in- moderation proceeding from the "Delicessantly about the establishment of the verers of Europe?"-What awful conse"Social System," and the preservation of quences may we not expect, if the same our "holy religion," look to this.---They spirit is to pervade our councils, and goare, at this moment, more likely than ever vern our national divisions?-It appears to see the flames of war rekindled in Eu- to me, Sir, that this is the momentous perope; but while they feel so much gratifi-riod, when the inhabitants of the country cation in this, let them at least be thankful to those who have been the cause of it. Let those who are active in endeavouring to bring on a war, have all the money they desire. It is by money only that the means of prosecuting the war can be procured. How senseless, how stupid, how inconsistent it is in us to expect war, and not expect that we will be called on to pay for it.

PEACE OR WAR.

Mr. COBBETT,-If ever there was a time when the interests of mankind imperiously called on the advocates of peace to exert their influence, the present is that time. You, Sir, have raised your powerful voice in her defence, in a manner truly honourable to your character, and worthy the approbation of every friend to humanity. Be not weary in well doing.

should step forward to implore and petition Parliament, to avert the melancholy calamities a new war would inevitably produce.-I admit that recent circumstances do not give us much encouragement to believe the voice of the people would be effectually regarded; yet the late unsuccessful attempt is not without important advantages, in as much as it has, in my opinion, done more to convince the bulk of mankind of the absolute necessity of Parliamentary Reform than any single event during a long period of time.-A few more such refusals against the public will, might excite a spirit and an energy in the nation which would command attention.-If the public feeling is not moved, on the present occasion, to express its disapprobation at threatened hostilities, the administration of the country will be more excusable by resolving on prosecuting a war. Of what real advantage will it be to this nation that the Bourbon family should again re

is disputed, or an opposite principle recognised, the nation admit it is already enslaved, and has nothing to expect but oppression, taxation, and cruelty. Let the question be dispassionately asked :— Shall we gain by recommencing hostilities against France? Shall we look back to the last twenty-five years, and, by this retrospect, fortify our minds and stimulate our desires to a fresh combat? Will the millions of money expended, the incalculable number of lives lost, the increased paupers throughout every city, town, village, or hamlet; will these excite with ardour the mind to renewed acts of desolating slaughter? Will the moral sense be improved, and the best feelings of humanity advanced? Will our character as a nation professing christianity exem plify the charities of that religion we boast? Judging from past conduct, we seem to imagine war a necessary good, rather than the greatest evil that can afflict a nation. Are we desirous for the revisitation of the Income Tax, the loss of commerce, and the depression of public spirit? Such consequences are inseparable with a state of warfare.-If the contest once begins, who can say where it will end? We may flatter ourselves it will be of short duration.

ascend the throne of France? Has the former sway of that House proved so beneficial to England? Are we compensated for the immense expenditure of treasure, and the waste of lives it has cost Great Britain, in fruitless attempts to re-establish the Bourbons? Is the interest of a single foreign family to rise paramount to the interest of a whole Empire? What can so far infatuate the minds of the enemies of peace? Is it the genuine love they bear to Louis, or the real hatred they feel to Napoleon? Are these causes sufficient why the blood of England should again flow in torrents? Is the war faction so sure of success as to leave no fearful doubts of accomplishing their wishes? Is Bonaparte a novice in the art of war, or so feeble a politician as to be unable to guide the immense power which 25 millions of people have placed in his hands? Because of his former momentary humiliation, a humiliation ascribed to one rash enterprise, are we to calculate on a repetition of such fortuitous events? Experience, the best instructor, will correct his impetuous judgment, and influence him to more caution. His situation at this moment, is far different to that in which he stood after his return from Russia. Not less than 200,000 soldiers, prisoners from va--This delusive hope existed in the comrious nations, have returned to France. Nearly the whole, it may fairly be presumed, will gladly rejoin their old idolized Captain. He has also possession of all the well fortified places throughout the Empire. The wonderful enterprize, from Elba to Paris, without the slightest opposition, must inspire a military ardour through every rank in the army, and diffuse a martial glory over the whole nation.-If any act can give a just title to a crown, it must be the voice of the people. This voice has been plainly manifested throughout all France. Never was there a more unequivocal proof exhibited to the world. The unanimity of the French people, is the best pledge of Buonaparte's strength, and ultimate success. The same principle that gave to the House of Brunswick the throne of England, justifies Napoleon's claim to the throne of France. The Sovereign will of the people is the only fountain of legitimate authority. If this right Birmingham, 12th April.

mencement of the former war; yet it con-
tinued for a quarter of a century. Is
England now in equal condition to sup-
ply the Allies with money. The wealth
of England must flow, otherwise the com-
bat will be of short continuance. But why
should England provide for the expences
of other nations? Has she a deeper in-
terest at stake then they have? Or does
she entertain a greater hate to the power
of France? Is not our former useless
prodigality, by which our national debt is
so enormously increased, sufficient to
check further subsidies? Are our public
expences never to be economized? Or
must we run the desperate hazard of uni-
versal ruin, which, in my humble opinion,
may be awfully demonstrated in the pre-
secution of another war with France?
I am, &c.

MERCATOR.

Printed and Published by G. HoUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed te the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 17.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 29, 1815. [Price 18.

513]

TO THE

MERCHANTS OF ENGLAND,
On the projected War against France,
and on the subject of Parliamentary
Reform.
GENTLEMEN,

[514

then, I again ask, are the pretences for war?

The opinion you have been induced to entertain is this: that Napoleon will always seek occasions for using the forces of France against foreign nations; that he will still be a conqueror; that he will again force us to go to war. Admit this to be true. I let you beg the question: and, even then, what is your meaning? Why, that you will force him into war now, lest he should force us into war hereafter! But, what is all this talk about his ambitious projects; about his conquests; about his restless disposition? Suppose all you say to be true. Suppose him again to extend his sway from Cadiz to Hamburgh, from the Scheldt to the Po, why should you be alarmed? His power would not affect us. It would not endanger our safe

Amongst all the classes of the community there is not one, I believe, with the exception, perhaps, of the Borough-faction and their dependants, who are so eager for war against France, and who are so hostile to Parliamentary Reform, as the Merchants, by which word I mean, rich men in Trade of all kinds. To argue with the Borough-faction would be useless; but, though, I must confess, I have little hope of succeeding, I cannot refrain from making one effort, upon this particular occasion, to convince you that you are de-ty. ceived, and that, in spite of all your understanding, you long have been, and still are, used as the tools of a crafty and corrupt faction in the supporting of a system injurious and degrading to your country at large, and to no part of the people more than to yourselves.

These Islands would benefit, if any thing, from such a change in the political power of Europe.

But, the truth is, that every reasonable man must be convinced, that the changes, which have taken place in France, necessarily tend to the preservation of peace. Nay, it is acknowledged, or, rather, ostentatiously asserted, by the advocates for war, that Napoleon has not the means of contending against the Allies; that the people of France are opposed to his collecting a large army. Now, either this is true, or, it is false. If true, where is the danger to be apprehended from his restless disposition? If false, where is the hope of that speedy success against him which is so confidently talked of?

As to the projected war with France, on what ground can it be justified? What cause is there for such war? France has not injured us. Our Regent explicitly, in an official way, I mean in his declaration subjoined to the Treaty of Vienna of the 25th March, disavows all intention, as he might have disavowed all right, to interfere in the domestic affairs of France. What, then, can be the cause of war? F France has not injured us. France dis- It is as a disturber of the peace of Euavows all designs of foreign conquest. rope that the Borough-faction exclaim France declares her readiness, and, in-against him. I state as a fact, that, in deed, her resolution to abide by the treaty every war with every nation, with whom of Paris; yes, even that treaty which we the French have been at war, since the and our allies, backed by enormous ar-year 1791, the aggression has been on the mies, wrung from the Bourbons. The part of the enemies of France. I pledge Emperor Napoleon, since his return to myself to maintain this proposition against power, has neglected nothing to convince any one, at any time. But, at present, to the world of his anxious desire to remain speak of Napoleon's conduct; he has at peace. He has made overtures, in a never let pass an occasion of restoring regular way, to renew and preserve with peace to Europe, from the date of his me us all the relationships of peace. What,morable Letter to our King in 1799 to the

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