May it not rather be said that no one will be at peace with him?-Let the experi ment be fairly tried. Even the honest ox, by constantly goading, will turn again. The war party confidently aver, that the combat once begun will soon, very soon terminate; that the overwhelming armies of the Allies will give no chance for the

land, with the intention of subverting our glorious constitution, that it could proceed twenty miles without meeting a successful opposition, if not a total annihilation? Two months have elapsed since Napoleon's arrival in France. Still all remains tranquil. Time has been a lowed to remove that astonishment, which, it is pretended, deprived the nation of all motion" tyrant's" escape. It is much easier to and sense of feeling. The wheels of government, through all France,proceed with the same regularity and order as though it had been of long standing. There appears to be no difficulty in making appointments to any office, or of forming institutions, which would do honour to any country. The abolition of the Slave Trade, and the establishment of popular Education; these two acts alone will hand Napoleon's name down to future ages with gratitude. Formerly he puzzled the Sovereigns of Europe by the splendour of his arms. Now he puzzles them by his moderation. He assures the world" he "will not be the aggressor." That "his "first wish is to become useful in estab"lishing the repose of Europe;" to prove which he has sent pacific overtures to the different powers now arming against him. These powers have not disclosed the propositions. All that is known, therefore, respecting them, must be gathered from what he, or the French government, have said on the subject. France seeks no enlargement of dominion, nor desires to interfere with the internal government of other countries. She is willing to acceed to the conditions entered into at the close of the war. What more is wanted? The sanguinary hirelings of the day inform us, that nothing short of Napoleon's life will satisfy them; that Europe and the world can be safe and happy only in his death. But bribes and rewards have as yet proved ineffectual to accomplish the pious design. Napoleon, they inform us, is so perfidious a character that he violates his treaties. Does this charge exclusively belong to the Emperor of France? Have no solemn engagements been disregarded by others? Napoleon and Murat, King of Naples, retort the same charge, with equal confidence, on the allies. If it is right to invade France because treaties have been broken, where is the country that may not be invaded? Again, the friends of war say, Napoleon is such a restless tyrant that no one can live in peace with him.

say what shall be done than to accomplish it. Let such silly advocates turn their attention to the state of France at the time the celebrated Duke of Brunswick entered that fine country with his inhuman Proclamation. It will be remembered that France was then disorganized, her councils divided, the army scattered; no rallying point to look at, and the people dissatisfied and tumultuous. Yet with all these disadvantages, the invading army was discomfitted, beaten, confounded, and disgraced. The condition of France at this time will not bear a comparison. Its present advantages are infinitely superior to the former period. The kingdom is united. The army organised, and the resources great; so that they are in a condi tion to wage war with any who have tèmerity enough to combat with them. France has again exercised the unalienable right which every nation possesses. She has called Napoleon to the throne, and peace reigns throughout her vast empire. Millions rejoice at his arrival. Can any principle in equity justify a war which has no better foundation than personal revenge? Must the peace, order, and tranquillity of one of the finest countries in the world be desolated and distracted by a war faction, because one man lives? Is the naked spear to find a grave in slaughtered multitudes? Must the ravages of war kindle up a flame, and convulse all Europe, because one man exists who is obnoxious to us? The very idea overwhelms the human heart with terror and dismay-How tremendously awful will be the responsibility of that faction who encourages and commences the devastating carnage! Humanity bleeds at the anticipated prospect.-Yours respectfully,

MERCATOR.

ABDICATION OF BONAPARTE. MR. COBBETT.-In the publication of the celebrated treaty of Fontainbleau, á treaty that will probably be regarded by

remote posterity as one of hoaxing me- called to that high office by the very mory, you judiciously observed, that the sovereignty of the people, the only legicharacter, the tenor, and political impor- timate source of magisterial appointment, tance of its terms with reference to Bona- and the undisguised terror and dismay of parte, appeared to be such as better de- despots. It is now very generally, though noted a conquering than a vanquished absurdly enough, objected by the undispower. They certainly proved the mili- criminating adversaries of the French Em tary resources of the then imperial govern- peror, that the Allies were blameable, ment of France, and evinced, that a dread nay, almost criminal, in suffering so dan was felt on the part of the Allies at put-gerous a person to be stationed so near the ting to risk the possible issue of a pro- shores of France as in the island of Elba; tracted contest. Its continuance must that if circumstances did not exactly admit indeed have been most sanguinary. Its of putting him to death, yet the least cessation, therefore, by any conceivable that could have been done with him, conmeans, was preferable to urging on the hor-sistently with the security of Europe, was rible work of carnage. Humanity owes the to have placed him where he never could homage of gratitude to all the conflicting be again on the political arena of the parties, for acceding to the pacific stipula- world. In short, that he should have tions of the treaty of Fontainbleau. Whe- been dungeoned for life. How pretty is ther that arrangement was founded on a all this, in petty, in childish resentment; secret understanding, that the abdication but how mighty foolish to attempt imposof the imperial throne was to be but tem-sibilities.-The military power of Bonaporary, is a circumstance with respect to parte, coupled with the resources of his the public articles, only to be vindicated vast mind, was greater at the time he by the modern justification that has been signed the treaty of Fontainbleau than so often offered of state artifices and that of all Europe put together. It might chicanery. Considering the bad faith with be difficult to gain credit for this assertion, which the French Emperor had been had not the recent expression of the militreated by his former Allies, it was a sort tary feeling of France in his favour inconof ruse de guerre, or rather de paix, trovertibly proved its correctness. It was which merits more properly to be regarded reserved for the year 1815 to give, to the as an adroit piece of lex tallionis than as astonished world, an instance of a person a flagrant instance of mala fides. But who had incurred the remorseless rethe warranty of Bonaparte for resuming proaches, and indecent vilifications of the French throne, is affirmed to rest on a the governing part of nations, being redirect violation of the avowed conditions ceived, as it were by one heart and hand, of that treaty. The non-performance of by millions of a populace devoted to his the stipulations respecting the Italian military, his political, and his moral dutchies to his Empress and Son, and the virtues. Ancient Rome furnishes instances alledged design of wresting from him the of the military transferring the imperial Sovereignty of Elba, are criminating diadem to favourite individuals; but then proofs of the want of good faith in the it was when the situation was vacillating contracting parties.-Independently of the between contending favourites. France voice of the French people, loud and presents a spectacle of receiving a banished heart-felt, in recalling their expatriated Emperor into her bosom; of his traversing Emperor, his right to the throne of France the extensive regions of that populous is founded on a violation of treaty; so country, to the very capital, in a manner that what might have been a moral abdi- more like making a pleasureable excursion cation had the conditions of obtaining it than as performing a hazardous enterbeen observed, ceased to have any autho-prise; of his being every where openly rity the moment these conditions were violated. It does, therefore, appear, that the throne reverts to him as his undoubted right, even were it not imposed on him by the free and universal acclamation of an approving people. No potentate on earth can have a better right to sovereign authority than Bonaparte. He is again

caressed; of his finally reaching the scat of government without an opposing hot having been fired; and all this in the midst of some shew and much legislative prattle about heroic resistance to his progress. The Bourbon government thus summarily supplanted, was strong in form but wholly destitute of that substantial

T

city; all these concurring circumstances, however much they served to recommend this document to the notice of the conductors of our newspapers, seem to have been considered by this venal crew, as affording good cause for its suppression. Even the conductor of the Morning Chronicle, whose columns have lately been stuffed with, what he has been pleased to call, "Most important State Papers," but which no one else regarded in that light; at least, which possessed only a secondary character. Even, I say, the penetrating, the impartial, the liberal politician, Mr. Perry, could not, or rather, would not, publish this interesting letter, in his immaculate journal. If he believed it a forgery, why not say so, and give his reasons for the assertion. If he considered it genuine, he merits execration for rejecting it. In refusing a place to a document of so much interest, he gives the most convincing proofs that he is influenced by base and sordid motives, and that all his boasted at

pretence, mere hypocritical cant, which is the more pernicious that it is wrapt in the veil of sincerity and truth. The fol lowing is the letter to which I allude, and which, as far as I have been able to discover, has not appeared in any of our newspapers, except in the Postscript of the 7th instant.-I hope the conductor, or conductors, of that journal, whoever he or they may be, will meet that support, which his, or their impartiality, in this instance, merits.

INTERESTING DOCUMENTS.-In my last I had occasion to censure all our corrupt newspapers for suppressing the petition, and, some of them, the resolutions of the Livery of London against the threatened war with France. I accused them of publishing every thing calculated to inflame the public mind against the people and go. vernment of France, and to promote inter-tachment to the people's rights, is mere minable war; I said that they carefully kept out of view all those arguments, those statements of fact, and those public documents which demonstrate the impolicy of hostilities, and furnish a clear and explicit exposition of the actual state of France, the stability of the government, and the devotion of the people to their present ruler. This I have repeatedly shown to be the way in which our corrupt press is almost universally conducted. I have now before me a remarkable proof of this, if any proof was wanting to establish the fact. A Sunday newspaper, entitled the Postscript, professing to be conducted on liberal principles, contained, in its last number, two documents, the one bearing to be a letter from Murat, king of Naples, to our Prince Regent, full of pacific sentiments, and the other a dispatch from the Duke of Otranto (Fouche) to Prince Metteruich the Austrian Minister. This last I have given below. It will be read, I am sure, with great attention by all who deprecate war, and who are friendly to liberty. Nothing, indeed, could have been better written to expose the folly and futility of the arguments adduced by the war faction. But the ability which the writer has displayed, the conviction which every line carries with it of its truth, and the internal evidence which it bears of authenti

Copy of a Dispatch from the Duke of

Otranto to Prince Metternich.

MY PRINCE-Every event has confirmed what I predicted to you six months ago. You were too pre-occupied to hear me; hearken to me now with attention and confidence; we may, in the peculiar circumstances and the imminent situations in which we are placed, influence in a powerful manner, the approaching and perhaps eternal destinies of France, of Austria, and of Europe. You are deceived respecting what is going on, and what is preparing in the midst of us.-You will judge of the reports of a people rash and blinded by the misfortunes which strike without the power to enlighten them. You are given to understand at Vienna, that Napoleon has been brought back to

to cause them to believe that they owe no thing to the justice which is due to all other men, and that in consideration of their personal hatred to Napoleon, they are authorised to rob the French of the sacred right of their independence, absolute and without limit, in the choice of the Chief of the Empire.-Victory has several times placed the political existence of the Powers of the North at the mercy of the Emperor Napoleon, and he has not wished to erase any one of them from the lists of nations. It is the wish of Alexander, whose name is revered amongst us, to dispense with our render

the throne by the army alone; that there are none on his side but a soldiery drunk with war. But forthwith you will know that our army has not been recruited in public houses. Generals, Captains, soldiers, all are drawn entirely from the bosom of the nation; and for 25 years our army has executed almost always their wishes and the laws by the most brilliant victories. How dare you tell us that it is the army alone which votes for Napoleon? Our legions do not range themselves more promptly under their colours than the Nation itself around his person and his throne. Almost every where on his route, the popular insurrec-ing to his virtues the homage which they tions in his favour preceded the presence of Napoleon. The Bourbons, reduced to seek in every place a Vendee, have not found it even in La Vendee itself. Of so many armies of volunteers, which they said they had in the South, not one is formed; and though some little bands trembled while they had at their head the Duke of Angouleme, they are become intrepid by passing under the tri-coloured flag. The power of the nation consists in its talents as much as in its armed force. They think now, or they express themselves with respect to Napoleon, in the same manner in the towns, in the academies, and in the camps. Without doubt, liberty has been much restricted, but it has never been destroyed. Glory, at least, was a compensation for France; she desired not aggrandisements of which we abjure the abuse; but she was not able to support the abasement when she had thrown off the government of the Bourbons. The French people feel the extreme want of peace, they wish it as they wish for happiness; but if they be forced into a war, they believe that, under Na-nity?-They pretend that Napoleon canpoleon, they will not suffer disgrace. We do not wish, say the Powers assembled in Congress, to oblige France to take the Bourbons again; but Napoleon will not be recognised by us. France must choose another Chief; for, to restrict her, they add, we shall have, if necessary, 900,000 men. I shall not stop to discuss here the principles of the rights of nations: it is too evident that they are all violated by a similar pretention. The Emperor Napoleon may demand from the Emperor of Russia, from the Emperor of Austria, from the King of Prussia, in what manner he has merited from them, a hatred so violent, as

merit? Does the Emperor of Austria, in dethroning, contrary to his interests and those of his monarchy, his son-in-law, and his grand-son, wish to prove to the world, by the most astonishing and authentic of all examples, that among the most hideous of all the sentiments of human nature, hatred is that which has the greatest sway over kings? The people are not disposed to believe it: and in this age of revolutions it might be better to take care to dissuade them from it. In short, my Prince, when it shall be beyond doubt that France is resolved to display all her forces, to expose a her destinies to support on his throne the man who is the object of her pride, who alone seems to her capable of guaranteeing all the existences and all the relations proceeding from Revolution; will the Princes at the Congress make the attempt, perhaps a vain one, to tear him from his throne, at the price of all the torrents of blood which this new war will cause to be spilled?-What pretexts will cover so many outrages on reason, on justice, and on huma

not offer any guarantee with respect to. the durability of the peace of Europe; but what a strange mode of seeking this guarantee, to commence their research by replunging Europe in all the fury and horrors of war!-On the contrary, every thing announces, every thing establishes, that any Prince in Europe, at the present time, cannot give this guarantee of peace in the same degree as Napoleon.-No one has experienced so many dangers and vicissitudes of war, so many unexpected and terrible reverses, as Napoleon.-It is, in fact, a new life, as well as a new reign, which the Emperor Napoleon commences,

in rant and too barbarous even to understand

(Signed) THE DUKE OF OTRANTO. Paris, April 23, 1815.

LETTER FROM MR. BIRKBECK.

after having understood, during a year, in their own interests: On the approach of the Island of Elba, as in a tomb, every thing which truth as well as hatred, has the Emperor Napoleon, and his armies, told in Europe, respecting his first reign marching with animation to songs of and his first life. In fine, my Prince, liberty, Kings may be abandoned by their France has given herself a new Consti- subjects, as the Bourbons have been by tution, which will not be a vain charter. the soldiers on whom they depended with It is no longer possible to use subtilty and such confidence. Every throne will be deceit. The force of things will neces- subverted before kings will learn how to sarily bring order and justice into social govern; and how many evils will be the life. Our Constitution constitutes two work of Princes, capable by their virtues Chambers. The sittings in both will be of rendering happy the greatest part of public. Thus France and Europe will the world.-How much will those Mpunderstand every thing which will be said narchs and humanity be indebted to you, on peace and war; and every war, which my Prince, if, by the wisdom of your shall not be one of justice and evident counsels, you can dissuade them from the necessity, shall paralyse with terror the determination, in which they oppose inte-man who would kindle it in Europe, al-rests and passions over which they ought ready bleeding from so many wars. The to have no controul. I have only to coalesced Powers plume themselves on the renew, with the most lively expresssion, immense number of men which they can to your Highness, the assurances of the collect. But, perhaps they may have highest consideration. calculated erroneously-they may be deceived. If it were true, as they give out, that they have 900,000 men, fit for action, France, who bas already 500,000, will soon have a milijon. I seek not to exaggerate the exultation which, in a similar war, will fix all the senses, and the enthusiasm with which their souls will be transported. Every man in France will become a soldier; every article of iron will be fabricated into a sabre, a bayonet, or a musket, every where, as in 1793, will be established manufactories of salt petre, of powder, and of cannon.-From the Rhine to the Pyrennees, from the Mediterranean to the Ocean, the diversions of the peasants, on Sundays and holidays, will be military exercises; every commune, every village will be transformed into barracks; and the entire population of the Empire, arrayed as the National Guards, will be prepared to live in tents.-Already does France resound with war-songs, in which the acquirers of national domains, who harbour fears for their property; the friends of reason, who have been threat ened with the return of superstition; the military, whose glory they have wished to tarnish; in short, all classes of citizens Infatuated by success, he forgot that he repeat with enthusiasm their ardent ex- owed it to the energies of a nation strugpressions of passions the most dear, and gling for freedom; and, mixing himself the most terrible.-In this war, which will with kings, he became a foe to that liberty be, in fact, a crusade against the inde-from which he derived his greatness. Ha pendence of a nation, the contagion of the now acknowledges his error, and, if it be principles of the French Revolution, may in good faith, it is an instance of magasfind their way amongst people too igno-nimity new to the page of history.

Wanborough, May 4, 1815. SIR-The little work which has received your favourable notice is now going through a fourth edition. The appendix to the first, which I take the liberty of sending you, was printed separately for the accommodation of the purchasers of the first.

It is due to you as well as to myself to state, that I dont feel myself called upon by the new position which Napoleon has assumed, to qualify the terms in which I have censured the principles of his former government, because I am quite convinced that they were hostile to the best interests of his people, and perfectly inconsistent with political freedom.

I should have lamented as sincerely as I now rejoice at his restoration, had he, like Louis, recovered the throne usin structed by adversity, or through any other means than the consent of the peo ple, conditionally granted.