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The calamity of which I have been speaking, I mean your total ruin, is to be prevented; but, it is to be prevented solely by peace and economy; that is, by getting rid of all the heavy expences, except that of the National Debt. If all the other expences were reduced to the standard of 1792; if the Army, the Navy, the Civil List, were brought down to the state of that year, the interest of the Debt might still be paid, and that, too, without a Corn Bill. It is, therefore, for peace and economy that you ought to petition, instead of joining in the cry of war, and in the abuse of those who have endeavoured, and are still endeavouring, to prevent that calamity, a great one to us all, but to you a thousand times greater than to any other class of the community. WM. COBBETT.

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passed the Legislature, appointing a Navy Board. Commodores Hull, Bainbridge, and Rodgers, it is expected, will be appointed Admirals, and put in com

the proportion of from 90 to 40, during
the creation of 700 millions of Debt, will
not another 5 or 600 millions take away
the whole of your estates? If you cannot
find any answer to these statements; if mission. A very powerful force, under
6 the command of Commodore Bainbridge,
they be true, and you are obliged to ac-
knowledge them to be true, why should is now fitting out for Algiers: it will con-
you shut your eyes to your danger? Is it 'sist of two new 74-gun ships, five fri-
If I am
the part of wise men; is it the part of gates, and ten sloops of war.
men of common sense, to act thus ?
not mistaken, the Algerines will rue the
day when they provoked the vengeance
of our tars. The Guerriere, under the
command of Morgan, sailed from this
porf yesterday for New York, where she
is to be joined by the Constellation and
Java frigates, from the Chesapeake, and
the United States and Macedonian from
Long Island Sound: these frigates, with
six sloops of war, form the first division
against Algiers, and it is said that 2,000
of Brown's rifle veterans will go with the
squadron. The whole nation is decided
for a navy: the Pennsylvania, a 74-gun
ship, will be launched at this place in the
month of May. Large quantities of
timber are daily brought down the Dela-"
ware and Sohuylkill for ship building.
It is no more extraordinary than true,
with what dispatch they build ships of
war in this country. The Peacock, of
18 guns, was built at Newbury Port in
18 working days! The Wasp was built
at New York in 20 days! The Superior,
Commodore Chauncy's flag-ship, of 64
guns, on Lake Ontario, took up only 30
days from the laying of her keel until
she had all her guns on board, and was
ready for a cruize. It is said Congress
intend to have the frames of the Lake
squadron removed to the Atlantic.—
Now, what does your Lordship think of
this? Do you think, that it indicates any
thing of that desire, of which you were
pleased to speak some time ago, on the
part of the American people to put them-
selves under the protection of his Majesty's
government? Or, do you now begin to
think with me, that it indicates the speedy
appearance of an American Fleet of 20
ships of the line and as many frigates on
the Ocean? Really, my Lord, this is of
far greater consequence to us, and to the
world, than the erecting of Hanover and
Holland into kingdoms. The "regular
government" of Algiers will now find, I
dare say, that it must change its course;
but, the American Navy will not be em
ployed solely against this very "regular

Botley, 16th May, 1815.

LETTER VIII.

TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

On the Naval Force of the United States
of America.

MY LORD, From the beginning, and
before the beginning, of the late war with
America, I thought it my duty to warn
you, that, one of the consequences of that
war would be the creating of a great Na-
val Force in that country. I endeavoured
to describe to you the immense means of
America for such a purpose. Her fine
rivers, bays, and harbours; her excellent
ship-builders, her hemp, iron, pitch, and
timber, all of her own produce; and, above
all, her matchless seamen. Of the truth
of this account you and your colleagues
must, by this time, be pretty well con-
vinced; but, I cannot help quoting, and
addressing to you, a paragraph from the
Times newspaper of the 16th instant, in
the following words:" Extract of a let-
ter from Philadelphia, dated the 17th
"of March: Congress have at length
determined to have a navy-a Bill has

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government." It will, and it must, make a figure in the world. It must act a great part. Four years will swell it to a respectable size. Before the end of that time, if we have war with France, I predict, that we shall see an American fleet of great force, carrying its "bits of striped bunting" across the Atlantic.

awhile, to make conquests. But, as Providence has permitted him to come back to France, and even to put out the Bourbons, why may not Providence permit him, in case France is attacked, first to defend her, and then to sally forth in pursuit of her assailants?

If this should be the case, I think we may rely upon seeing the American Admirals in our seas; and, therefore, this should come in as an item in our estimates of the consequences of war, if now

It is for you, my Lord, who are a statesman and a prime minister, and for your bright colleague, who has recently returned from Vienna; it is for you, and not for me, to say precisely what will be the con-made against France. With a stout Amesequences of this very important change in the naval power of the world; but, as it is a Yankey subject, I will venture to guess, that the friendship of Jonathan will soon begin to be courted by every nation who has either ships or commerce; and, that, even already, some of them has their eye upon alliances to be formed with him, in order to deprive us of the power of exercising a mastership on the high seas. At present the main use that I would make of the above information, is, to urge it on you as a reason for remaining at peace with France. I do not want to see an American newspaper to know what the people in that country will think of the threatened war in Europe. I know they will not have patience to read one single article in the Times newspaper without throwing it down, and crying out for more ships to be built and manned. The war ended in a way to provoke and at the same time to encourage them. The past, the future, resentment, glory; every thing will concur in favouring wishes for a new contest; and, though they build ships very quickly in peace, they would do it more quickly in war.

rican fleet at sea, our West India Colonies, and the Azores, belonging to our ally, Portugal, would be in any thing but a satisfactory state. In short, it would require fifty ships of the line and fifty frigates to defend them all. The Slave Trade would soon be at an end, and the whole face of the naval and commercial world would be changed. The fleets of France would revive. Example, emulation, have powerful effects. I beg you to think well, and in time, of these things. I beg you to take your eyes, for a little, from Hanover and Belgium, and to cast them on the other side of the Atlantic, where you will see what is much more dangerous to England theu is the army of Napoleon, numerous and brave as that army may be.

Some will say, that, seeing this danger, we ought, without delay, to fall upon Napoleon, and to destroy him, conquer France, and burn or capture all her fleet, 'before the Americans have time to build a large fleet. Yes, if you could be sure of doing all this in the course of this summer. But, if you should fail. Failure is possible. It is sufficient for us to know, that it is possible. We may, indeed, do all that is wished; but, we may be obliged to come to a peace without doing any part of it; nay, we may, as in the war of 1793, draw the French armies out of France to over-run our allies. Louis le Desiré ascribes the former successes of Napoleon to Providence, who permitted him, for

1 am, &c.

Botley, 17th May, 1815.

WM. COBBETT.

P. S. On looking over a file of American papers, which have just reached me, I find the following official letter from the Secretary of the Navy, to the Committee of ways and means of the House of Representatives. It clearly shews, that "the encouragement and gradual increase

of the navy (as observed by the National " Intelligencer) is now a national senti

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Navy Department, Feb. 28th, 1815. SIR-In compliance with your request, I have the honour to transmit an estimate of the expences of the navy, reduced to the demands of an establishment, accommodated to all the effects of the peace with Great Britain, but at the same time to provide for the protection of our commerce against the actual hostility of the Dey of Algiers. An act that proposes the reduction of any part of the naval force, is naturally accompanied with a grateful recollection of the service which that force has rendered to the nation. In the first movements of

the late war, the achievements of the navy should not be disposed to increase the excited admiration and confidence through- naval establishment, a different course out the United States, shedding a lusting must be pursued. The three seventysplendour upon the American arms. Vic-fours (of which two may be soon comtory has invariably been the result of our pleted for sea, at a small additional naval combats with an equal force; and expence) should be perfected in their guns even when the surrender to a superior and equipments, and laid up in ordinary force has proved unavoidable, it must be so as to be ready for service upon the first acknowledged by the world, that those who emergency.-Four frigates should always have gained the ship, have not always be manned and ready for sea; and should gained the glory of the battle. Co-ope- be deemed to be in actual service, together rating with their brave and patriotic bre- with four sloops of war, four small armed thren of the army, the officers and crews vessels (to be principally employed as disof the American vessels of war have patch vessels) and two gun-boats in each greatly contributed to the honourable principal port. The flotilla may be disrestoration of peace; and whatever may charged, and the gun-boats (with the exbe the general policy of reducing the naval ception provided for) and the barges may establishment, it must be universally a be generally laid up or sold, as the presifavourite object to secure for those meri- dent may deem most expedient. The torious citizens a participation in the bles- ships and vessels on the lakes, or on the sings which they have conferred upon their stocks for the lake service, may also be country. Permit me, Sir, to take this op- laid up, or sold, as the president shall diportunity of recommending to your atten- rect. But it is respectfully suggested that tion the bill which has received the sanc- no greater reduction of our naval estabtion of the Senate, for creating the rank lishment ought at this time to take place. of Admiral in our naval service. The The destinies of the nation appear to be measure is suited to the existing naval es- intimately connected with her maritime tablishment, and appears to be necessary, power and prosperity—and as the creation not only as the means of furnishing com- of a navy is not a work to be quickly permanders of proper rank for our squadrons, formed, it seems necessary not only to but as the means of bestowing professional cherish our existing resources, but to distinction and reward upon the distinguished veterans of the navy. It has been DILY. The purchase of timber, the castseen and lamented, that for want of this ing of guns, and the collection of all other grade of command, the gallantry of a sub-materials for building and equipping vessels ordinate officer could be rewarded by of war, at safe and convenient places, are promotion, while his gallant superior objects of the greatest importance; and officer must remain stationary. The the actual construction of at least one protection of commerce against the hos- seventy-four and two frigates, is recom. tilities of the Dey of Algiers will re- mended upon principles of economy as quire that a strong squadron should well as policy. Smaller vessels of war can be stationed, as SOCD as practicable, be built as the occasions occur, but these Contracts for a in the Mediterranean. The Algerine require time and care. naval force is believed to consist of four supply of two hundred heavy cannon to frigates, four corvettes, four sloops of war, be delivered at New York, Boston, or and twenty gun-boats; but these vessels Portsmouth (which afford at all times an will be covered and aided by the powerful outlett to the ocean) might be advantageTo these general views, I batteries which defend the harbour of ously formed. Algiers. To secure success in our opera- beg leave to add that an appropriation, for tions, therefore, and to command the ge- the purchase of the vessels captured by neral respect of the Barbary powers, it is Commodore Macdonough on Lake Champroposed, that the American squadron plain is necessary; and, as the estimated shall consist of two seventy-fours, six fri-value cannot be now ascertained, the ap gates, three sloops of war, and six or eight propriation may be made for such sum as small armed vessels; and an estimate shall be settled and agreed upon, with the of the expence of the expedition ac- approbation of the president. I have the companies this communication. If, how- honour to be, very respectfully, &c. ever, congress should not contemplate a maritime war against Algiers, and

AUGMENT THEM GRADUALLY AND STEA

B. W. CROWNINSHIELD.

I

NOTTINGHAM.

The following documents will show, that the people of this public spirited town have wished to assemble, in a peaceable and orderly manner, under their Magistrates, to petition against the renewal of the war, which wish has been opposed by the Mayor. These documents, which I insert with all the names attached to them as a mark of my respect for the town of Nottingham, will speak for themselves; but, I cannot refrain from making a remark or two. The Mayor refuses to call a Meeting, on account, as he says, of "the unsettled state of the public mind." Why, what is that to the purpose? The people's meeting, discussing the great subject of peace or war, and proposing a petition, is, one would suppose, the best possible way of settling the public mind. What! Then this Gentlemen would, suppose, never have another election; for, then, it is notorious, that the public mind is unsettled; unless, indeed, he would have, as in the rotten Boroughs, all the matter snugly settled before-hand. He will suffer the people to sneak into the Town-Hall to sign a petition. That is, he will suffer them to sign that which not a fiftieth part of them can have an opportunity of reading. If the petition had been proposed at a public meeting, not only would it have been read aloud to the people; not only would they have heard what it was that they were about to sign, but, they would have been made acquainted with all the facts and arguments for and against it: they would have been in possession of the reasons for doing that which they were about to do.-What, then, can have been the true cause of this refusal? We shall probably be informed of it hereafter.

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TO THE INHABITANTS OF NOTTINGHAM AND ITS VICINITY.

"It having been stated, in the REVIEW of last week, from proper authority, that a REQUISITION had been presented to JOHN ASHWELL, Esq. Mayor, the purport of which was to convene a PUBLIC MEETING, at GUILDHALL, to consider of the propriety and necessity of PETITIONING the PRINCE REGENT, and the HOUSE of COMMONS, on the impending War with France; the Committee engaged in this affair, convinced of the high importance of the subject, feel it a momentous duty, which they owe to

their fellow townsmen and to themselves, to publish the Requisition to the Mayor, and also the Correspondence which has ensued thereon; so that the Public may be thorougly enabled to form a correct opinion of the conduct of the parties concerned in this matter. The inhabitants of the town and its vicinity are respectfully informed, that this business is not aban'doned, but will be pursued by the Committee, with all the ardour and ability of which they are possessed; and in a mode which they conceive, under existing circumstances, best calculated to produce the desired effect.

BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE. ́ Nottingham, May 5th, 1815.

"To JOHN ASHWEEL, ESQ. Mayor. "SIR.-We the undersigned honsekeepers of the town and county of the town of Nottingham, most respectfully solicit you to call a PUBLIC MEETING of the inhabitants thereof, at the first convenient opportunity, to take into consideration the propriety and necessity of PETI. TIONING HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT, and also the COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, against involving this country, unnecessarily, in a War with France, because that nation, in imitation of our immortal forefathers, has thought right to choose a Government consistent with its own will.” * Richard Alliott John Bryan Robert Smith Nathaniel Nead, Jun.

Jonathan Dunu
James Wright
George Bradley
Samuel Cartledge
George Johnson
John Kendall
E. B. Robinson

James Smith
Samson Walker
John Leaver

John Lightfoot
Christopher Renshaw
John Wood
Thomas Marshall
John Henshaw
James Harriman
Robert Sewel Maples
John Parker
John Dalby
John Wood
William Biggs
Samuel Beardsley
John Greaves

Samuel Doubleday
W. Blackwell
Henry Leaver
Richard Sibert

J. Norweb
William Daft
John Blackner
John Roberts
John Sands

Thomas Yates
Charles Heald

Robert Webster
George White
Henry Cross
E. Milligan

John Woodward
Samuel Holland

William Page
Isaac Meats
Joseph Thorpe
William Baldock
William Mason

James Edwards
Charles Clarke

B. Hind
James Saxby
Edmund Hart

"TO MR. CLAYTON.

"Nottingham, April 29, 1815.

"TO MR. CLAYTON,

"Nottingham, 2d May, 1815.

"SIR-I have, in conformity with my promise "SIR-I am not aware that your note of the to you, laid the Requisition I had the honour to first instant requires from me any particular anreceive, before my brother Magistrates, at a swer. It is the duty of Magistrates to preserve meeting last night; and after mature deliberation, the public peace always, and to the proper disthey are of opinion with myself, in the present charge of this duty, the attention and exertions unsettled state of the public mind, it would be of the Magistrates of Nottingham, I hope, will be better to avoid a Town Meeting upon this occa- | always found directed. I am your most humble sion. If, however, the use of the Guildhall, for servant, JORN ASHWELL.” the purpose of having Petitions lay there to receive signatures, would be desirable, it is quite at the service of the gentlemen who conduct this business. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN ASHWELL, Mayor."

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TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR.

“SIR-I have had the honour to receive your letter, which I shall lay before the Committee this afternoon; should they decide on a public meeting, will you be kind enough to say whether you will permit them to have the use of the Guildhall for that purpose. Waiting your reply, I am, Sir, your's &c. "J. CLAYTON."

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TO MR. CLAYTON,

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"TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR, "SIR-I have received your letter this after noon, and, I must confess, the contents of it do not a little surprise me, as it neither contains a candid or explicit answer to ray letter of the 1st instant: I did not require of you to point out the duty of magistrates, &c. ; every man of common capacity must know the line of conduct marked out for them, BY THE LAW OF THE LAND, and if that was more observed, less trouble would ac crue in the conducting of Constitutional or Public Meetings; but, it appears, the voice of the people is neither to be heard nor respected, either, by оnе power or the other, but that their suffer

"SIR-In answer to your letter, the Hall willings and calamities must be endured without a be occupied on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, in the next week. I am your obedient servant, "J. ASHWELL."

"TO JOHN ASHWELL, ESQ. MAYOR. "SIR-I had the pleasure of receiving your esteemed favour of the 29th instant, which was laid before the Gentlemen who signed the Requisition, for their consideration; they are extremely sorry to observe that the Guildhall will be occupied on Tuesday, &c. so as to deprive them of the opportunity of meeting in that place, for the sole purpose of considering the propriety of addressing the Prince Regent and the House of Commons on the impolicy of interfering with the internal affairs or regulations which France may chuse to adopt as to her form of Government or Ruler, and not to involve this country again in War, with all its evils, unless for objects truly national. Wil you, therefore, be kind enough to state explicitly, whether on a subject so highly important, and a proceeding so truly constitutional, any protection or countenance may be expected from the Magistrates, &c. should a Public Meeting take place (in the town) or whether such a proceeding would meet with opposition; I can assure you it is not the wish of the persons concerned in this business, to disturb the repose of the town, &c. Waiting your reply, I remain, Sir, your most obedient servant,

“ Nottingham, May1, 1815." "J. CLAYTON,"

murmur or a sigh. I presume you cannot forget
the Public Meeting that took place respecting
the Corn Bill, at which you had the honour of
presiding, and, I have no doubt, you will recol.
lect the manly and correct conduct of it, and
which you so highly complimented and com
mended, and the pledge you gave, to call any
future Public Meeting conducted on the pare
principles of the Constitution; and can that pre-
mise be so easily broken! particularly by the
Chief Magistrate! whose conduct and expres.
sions ought to be as clear as the sun at noon day,
without ambiguity. A respectable Requisition
was handed to you, sigued by persons, if not rich,
or possessing great talent, they were honest to
their country, and friends of the greatest of bles-
sings, peace! and the cause of humanity; there-
tore, in my, humble opinion, it became your im-
perious duty to have called a Public Meeting,
being considered (as far as expressions go) the
supporter and advocate of the cause of your
country. If, Sir, you will give me a direct an
swer to my last letter, I shall feel obliged; in the
mean time, I remain, Sir, your obedient humble
servant,
"J. CLAYTON."

"Nottingham, May 2, 1815,

It appears that no reply was returned by the Mayor of Nottingham to Mr. Clay, ton's urgent and constitutional request. Determined, however, not to abandon their purpose, the Committee in name of

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