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those citizens who signed the requisition, of PEACE, and the admirers of the principles of our excellent Constitution, it is hoped, will come forward as one man, and affix their names to those Petitions.By order of the Committee,

caused the following address to be printed and circulated:

JOHN GREAVES, jun. Secretary. Wednesday Morning, May 10th, 1815.


Resolved 1. That as war is the extremity of lawful and honourable means to avert it have evil, no nation should engage therein until all

"FELLOW TOWNSMEN AND COUNTRYMEN-The present moment is awfully portentous; dismally dark clouds hang over our country, pregnant with unheard of misery and woe to ourselves and future generations, the mere description of which however faintly drawn, would horrify minds the least susceptible of generous sentiments, would melt hearts the most obdurate: but we will not harrow feel-been tried, and proved unavailing. ings, already sufficiently wounded, by attempting to pourtray such direful calamities as must necessarily result from a renewed course of warfare with France; without having one legitimate object to stimulate us to the adoption of such a desperate measure; for desperate it must be considered by all, (of whatever political opinion,) who look at the financial difficulties of this nation. Come forward, therefore, fellow countrymen, and exercise your rights--be obedient to the imperious calls of duty-use every constitutional effort of which you are possessed, to prevent the vessel of your country from being driven in the gathering tempest; and then, should the Government of the nation be 3. That this Meeting not only sees, but feels, so infatuated as to plunge you into all the the heart-rending calamities which the late wars horrors of war, you will, amid all your have entailed upon this country:-Trade, comgalling sufferings, be exempt from those merce, and manufacture scarcely exist: nothing bitter reflections which must ever attend present themselves for observation and contemplaan accusing conscience.-You are respect-tion, among the trading, commercial, and manufully informed, that under existing circumfacturing part of the community, but ruin, stances, the Committee, who continue to manage this business, consider it an act of prudence, and not of submission, to decline calling a public Meeting. They therefore, lay before you, for your approval, the following RESOLUTIONS and PETITIONS which they intended to offer, had a public Meeting been called by the Mayor, in conformity to the requisition presented to him, and which was published last week in the Nottingham Review, and in hand-bills, together with the correspondence produced by such applicajon.-A Petition to the Prince Regent, and another to the House of Commons, will be laid for signatures, at a shop in Smithy-row, lately in the occupation of Mr. Darby, to-morrow, from ten o'clock in the morning to seven in the evening, and will continue to be open for a week. The adult male inhabitants of this town and its vicinity, who are the FRIENDS

wretchedness, and woe.

2. That every nation has an indisputable right to choose its own Government; and that a war commenced and prosecuted by any other nation with a view to the annihilation of such choice, is most unjust; because it is contrary both to the law of nature and of nations, to the avowed practice of the civilized world, and to the very principles which exalted the House of Brunswick to the Throne of these realms. Therefore this Meeting regards with horror and dismay, the hostile preparations now making; the professed design of which is, to compel the French nation, by force of arms, to dethrone the Sovereign of their choice, and to impose upon them another, to whom it appears they have a complete, radical, national objection.

The National Debt has been increased in a

four-fold degree, and now requires no less sum than thirty millions sterling to pay the common interest, with an addition of public expenditure to the aunnal amount of twenty millions more, even on the supposition of this country enjoying universal peace.

4. That in the opinion of this Meeting, it would be highly chimerical, impolitic, and most iniquitously unjust to the people of this country, for the Government thereof to plunge them into renewed warfare for any other objects than those truly national, probable in their acquirement, and of sufficient magnitude and importance to compensate this nation for the sacrifices and sufferings naturally resulting therefrom.

5. That from the pre-eminent station which Great Britain holds in the scale of nations, this Meeting believes that her efforts to preserve the present peace would not be ineffectual,

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6. That the effects which the late wars pro- | presume to dictate to your Royal Highness, but duced on this town and neighbourhood were to state constitutionally to you, our opinions and most lamentably afflicting; the poor-rates were feelings. Hence the mighty warlike prepara increased in an eight-fold degree, and more than tions now making, which fill our minds with painone-sixth of its population received parochial aid. | ful anxiety, impel us to declare, that we think it 7. That this Meeting present an address and the imperative duty of this country, not to wage petition to his Royal Highness the Prince Re- war with France, (particularly when we consider gent, praying that he will not interfere by war the state of our finances) without it be for objects or otherwise, with the internal affairs of France, purely national, likely to be obtained, and comand that the said petition be transmitted to the mensurate with its consequent calamities:-calaRight Hon. Lord Grenville, requesting him to mities, the mere contemplation of which strike present it to his Royal Highness. us with horror. It is so repugnant to our feel

9. That the thanks of this Meeting be given to John Smith, Esq. our worthy representative, for his independent, steady, and persevering conduct in Parliament.

8. That this Meeting do also present an addressings-so contrary to the dictates of justice,-to and petition to the Honourable the House of the Constitution of our country,-to the prac Commous, praying that they will not grant any tice of our forefathers,--to the very principles supplies for the purpose of subsidising foreign which placed your august family on the throne, powers to enable them to go to war with France, and, above ali, to that princely declaration, so and that this petition be forwarded to John honourable to your understanding and your Smith, Esq. and Lord Rancliffe, the two Members heart, made by your Royal Highness, when you for the town, with a request that they will, upon were invested with Regal Authority,—that "the presenting the same, cause it to be read, and sup- Crown was a sacred trust, to be held only for the port the prayer thereof. welfare and happiness of the people;”—that we could not for a moment have entertained a thonght, were it not for that most objectionable Declaration made by the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Sovereigns, bearing date the 15th of March, (and also the Treaty of the 25th of the same month,) 1815, together with the hostile attitude which Europe has since assumed, that your Royal Highness would coalesce with those Monarchs on the Continent, to prevent by force of arms, or otherwise, the French people from retaining that Sovereign and forming that Government which are the objects of their choice. We, therefore, most respectfully implore your Royal Highness, that your Royal Highness will not interfere, by war, or otherwise, with the internal affairs of France. that no measures may be adopted by this country, And we further implore your Royal Highness, to impede any friendly communications, that may be offered from that nation. And your peti. tioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray. PETITION TO THE COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN

10 That this Meeting cannot but regret the long absence of our other worthy representative, Lord Rancliffe, from his Parliamentary duty. ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF WALES, REGENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

May it please your Royal Highness-We, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the inhabi

tants of the town and county of the town of Not

AND IRELAND IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. The humble Petition of the inhabitants of Nottingham and its vicinity.

tingham, and its vicinity, respectfully approach your Royal Highness, with harrowed feelings of the most poignant grief:-feelings which we have not heretofore endured; although our privations, sacrifices, and sufferings, for the last twenty years, are unparalleled in the annals of our country. We beg most ardently to impress on the mind of your Royal Highness, that, however just, wise, and politic, the late wars may have been considered in their respective origin and duration, that the effects resulting therefrom, on his Majesty's loyal subjects, were, and are, most grievously afflicting. After such unequalled sacrifices of blood and treasure, what national advantages might we not have expected? But the lamentable reverse is the fact :-Trade and commerce are annihilated;—our merchants ruining the interests of a dynasty twice declared by ed,➡our artizans pauperised. We would not the people unworthy to reign:-for no nobler

Sheweth--That your Petitioners cannot view, but with sentiments of most fearful apprehension, the extensive preparations making by the Government of this country, for an apparent renewal of war with France; nor cau they avoid expressing their regret, at seeing themselves likely to be plunged once more into all the cala mities, distresses, and privations, attendant upon warfare, with no other object than that of uphold

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The humble, dutiful, and loyal Address and

Petition of the inhabitants of the town and

county of the town of Nottingham, and its vicinity.


purpose than that of controlling a great nation | racter of Parliament, incompatible with every in the choice of its ruler-a system of policy, idea of representative Government, and portendwhich your Petitioners humbly conceive, is, in ing immiuent danger to the future liberties and direct opposition to principles recognised by our happiness of Englishmen. Apprehensions we excellent Constitution at the Revolution of 1688, cannot but experience, when contemplating the and publicly avowed by the Prince Regent, viz. marked disregard of public opinion recently ma "that the Crown is held only in trust for the nifested by your Honourable House on the quesbenefit of the people,” and calculated, in their tion of the Corn Laws, and the attempt now opinion, to subvert public liberty, destroy na- making to revive that odious and inquisitorial tional independence, degrade civilized society, impost, the Tax upon Income. Your Petitioners and establish in Europe, once more, the darkness do, therefore, again most forcibly entreat that of the middle ages, and the tyranny of feudal your Honourable House will, on this occasion, laws. And further, that your Petitioners looking suffer the voice of justice and humanity to preto your Honourable House as the depositary of vail, and that in the discharge of your Parlia their liberties, and the guardians of their proper-mentary duties as the Commons of Great Britain ties, do most earnestly entreat your Honourable and Ireland, you will withhold the grant of any House to withhold such supplies of money and subsidy or loan to any foreign power, or any supmen, as may be demanded by the Executive, for ply of money or men, asked by the Executive at the purpose of carrying on this premeditated war, home, until such demand shall have been clearly mutil it has been satisfactorily shewn, that all at- proved to be necessary for the upholding of our tempts to arrange honourable terms with the country's honour-for the defence of our acknowEmperor Napoleon are impracticable and unavail- ledged rights, or the maintenance of our national ing: and your Petitioners are further induced to independence. And your Petitioners will ever dwell upon this point, from a conviction that no pray. positive good is likely to arise to this country, nor any permanent repose to Europe, from an attempt to impose a Government on the French people by Mr. Cobbett-The return of Napoleon force of arms. Nor can your Petitioners refrain to France has imparted fresh vigour to from calling the attention of your Honourable your pen in defence of peace, and, what House to the direful calamities which have you are pleased to call, the principles of flowed in upon the inhabitants of these kingdoms civil, political, and religious freedom. from the late sanguinary and expensive wars, Fearful of your influence over the public undertaken upon the same unjust and chimerical mind, and anxious to see unanimity preprinciples as that now projected, and which, in vaiḥs in this country, respecting the war its effects upon this country, has pauperised its with France, I venture to address you on labouring classes, loosened the foundation of pub- the subject, relying on your candour for lic credit, annihilated its manufacturing conse-its insertion in your Register. We canquence, increased its taxation to an insurmount-not, Sir, make peace with degree, and swelled the national debt to an We are a religious nation.-Bibles and amount that threatens the stability of our politi-missions to the Heathen is the cry amongst cal institutions; whilst its consequences to this us. We are making the most extraorditown and neighbourhood, in a local point of view, nary efforts to proselytize the world to are now severely felt in the diminution of their our holy and peaceable religion.-Bonatrade, the alarming increase of poor rates, and parte is an unbeliever! What fellowship the vast accumulation of misery in every shape, hath light with darkness? What part hath by which they are surrounded, in the midst of a he who believeth with an infidel? What! population destitute of employment, and goaded shall we, who have so much regard for the to despair, by the apparent hopeless state of their souls of Hindoos and Africans have no condition: it does, therefore, appear to your concern for those of our French neighPetitioners, that under such circumstances, for bours? Shall we suffer an infidel to reign the Government to enter again upon hostilities, over them?-But if we have no regard for (unless for the acquirement of great national them, let us at least take care of ourselves. objects, commensurate in advantage with the France is a very near neighbour: she pub. sacrifice made for their attainment,) would dis-lishes what she pleases respecting religion. play a contempt for the sufferings of the people, Alas! let us fear the contagion of her ina violation of public justice, an indifference to fidel principles more than ever, and let us the voice of humanity, inconsistent with the cha war against Napoleon their patron, till we


have placed once again on his throne the religious Louis the 18th. What are the sacrifices of a million of lives, and two or three hundred millions of treasure, compared with the blessed comforts of religion?-What is the general distress of our country compared with the pleasure of fighting the monster Bonaparte?" Do not call this stale and stupid reasoning. France is now much in the situation she zas when Europe began her first most just and necessary war against her; and the same arguments which were then used by the allied powers in their justification, may be now mployed in defence of their intended invasion of that country. There was a time, it is true, when that system of religion which Louis the 18th sought to revive in France, was reviled by us. We ridiculed the credulity of the French people and their devotion to their priests. But now we find this religion is so intimately connected with the principles of social order, that it has become our bounden duty to uphold it (at least on the Continent) with all our might and power. We formerly prayed for the downfall of," that man of sin, the Pope;" now, we rejoice at his restoration! We formerly called the Jesuits the "Devil's own gang," now, better informed, we have discovered they are a highly respectable and enlightened body of Christians!!" The destruction of the Inquisition was long and ardently wished by us; now, better acqua ted with the principles of social order, we are perfectly satisfied with its revival!!! There are many political reasons why we cannot make peace with Bonaparte. Heprofesses to have returned to" the principles of 1789." Should this be the case, "the French people will be really represented in the legislature :" they will be more free than they ever were before, and the numerous advantages arising from their revolution will be secured to them. What fellowship can such a state of things in France have with ours in England? There can be no agreement between them: this must be obvious to every one; I need Bot, therefore, enlarge on this subject. There was a time, indeed, when it was thought the people of England had the greatest concern in the making of laws; that taxafion and representation should go hand in hand; but now the admirable maxims of the late Bishop Horsely, of


immortal memory, that the people have nothing to do with the laws but to obey them, nor with the taxes but to pay them, are become much more fashionable. It is not long ago we contended that people had a right to choose their own rulers aud forms of government: now, "the social system" of the late glorious Congress, that people are the property of kings, is most warmly approved and supported! Formerly an assassin was thought the most detestable of wretches; now a handbill is posted up in the streets of London offering £2000 for the murder of Napoleon! Now, then, Sir,you see plainly why our ministers cannot make peace with the French Emperor. You perceive it is you and your party who have remained stationary, while the rest of us have improved in religious, moral, and political knowledge! Peace and liberty is the cry of those detestable and irreligious rebels the French. War, taxation, and Louis the 18th be Our cause is most religious and just. The example of France is most dangerous. Let us not grudge to spend our last shilling, and shed our last drop of blood in ousting the abominable Napoleon from the throne, where the French people have placed him, in order that so successful an instance of national rebellion against a pious King may not go unpunished. Yours, &c.





SIR, A nation must learn to warring against the liberties of another country before it can learn to defend its


I trust that adversity is destined to perfect the character of Bonaparte, and the liberties and long glory of France.

is twenty days tranquil progress through innumerable perils of every kind, calm and benign, with his small band of friends, over a space arduous for a single traveller, in the same time, from the gulph of St. Juan to the metropolis and throne of France, has no parallel in history, and throws all, even his victories, into shade! It is delightful indeed to see Carnot at the head of the administration of the interior, that great mind, prompt, firm, open and independent at all times, which plied not when myriads stooped, but remained erect and unmoved. Philosophy, true politics,


liberty, peace, order, and humanity, must all rejoice in this decisive appointment, and on the suppression of the Censorship of the Press, and the dissolution of the Pseudo-Senate and degraded Chamber of Deputies, who would submit to deliberate, as it was called, on a change of government, without any authority from the people, and with an host of invading and besieging strangers at their gates. The characteristic and magnanimous instance of intrusting captured Vienna to her own troops; to which I would add his generous dismissal of the armies of Austria and Prussia; and the King and Emperor themselves-35,000 men completely in his power, speaks the man the general, the liberal statesman: his attention to this day of the wounded Austrian officers-his love, founded on knowledge and true approbation, of the arts and sciences-his remembrance of the widow of Rousseau, when neglected and in indigence-his power during his late astonishing enterprize over the best feelings of the human heart, which no man ever has to such an extent, unless those feelings have first possession of his own-all these contradict the disgusting and horrible portraits by which our abandoned papers have endeavoured to feed and enflame eternal war.-The Suffolk Chronicle would not insert my letter in which I endeavoured to obtain a REQUISITION to the HIGH SHERIFF, to call, as early as possible, a County Meeting, to consider of a Petition to prevent our being made a party to a war for the purpose of interfering with the internal government of France, after the clearest and fullest manifestation of the national will.



The following is a report made by a committee of the senate, on the subject of the pretences whereon our late enemy justified bis devastations of private property and of public buildings, unconnected with the purposes of war. As great pains have been taken by the factious prints to discolour the facts on this subject, with a view to palliate the atrocities committed at Washington and elsewhere by the British forces, in violation of the usages of war and the dictates of humanity, it is satisfactory to receive a statement of facts on this head from the highest authority,

and in an unquestionable shape. Those facts, it will be seen, contradict the aspersions which have been unnaturally cast by some of our own citizens on their country's honour, with the view solely to support pretensions of our then enemy, which are now decisively proven to have been wholly groundless. Nat. Intel..

In Senate, March 3, 1815. The Committee on foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States on the 26th of September last, respecting the unauthorised mode of warfare adopted by the enemy, on the plea of retaliation, report, that, although the war has happily terminated, they deem it important to rescue the American government from unworthy imputations with which it has been assailed during its progress. They have, therefore, endeavoured to ascertain whether the destruction of York, in Upper Canada, and the other cases assumed by our late enemy, as authorising a departure from the settled rules of civilized warfare, were of a character to justify or extenuate their conduct. The result of the inquiries of the Committee, manifesting to the world, that the plea which has been advanced for the destruction of the American capital, and the plunder of private ́ property, is without foundation, will be found in the communications of the secretaries of the departments of war and navy, and of General Dearborn, commander of the American forces in the attack on York, herewith submitted.

Department of State, Feb. 28, 1815. SIR-I have had the honour to receive

your letter, requesting, on behalf of the

committee of foreign relations, any information which this department possesses, relative to the misconduct that has been imputed to the American troops in Upper Canada during the late war, and in reply, I have the honour to state, that the charges appear to be confined to three. 1st, The alleged burning of York; 2d, the burning of Newark, and 3d, the burning of the Indian villages usually called the Moravian towns. 1st. The burning of York, or any of its public edifices or of any of its private houses, has never been presented to the view of the American government by its own officers, as matter of information ;

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