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and it never was exhibited by the British by the American general, as necessary to government, or any of its officers, as mat- his military operations; but as soon as the ter of complaint; until it was asserted in American government heard of it, instructhe address of the governor in chief to tions, dated the 6th of January, 1814, the provincial parliament of Canada, on were given by the department of war, to the 24th of January, 1815, "that as a major general Wilkinson, "to disavow the just retribution, the proud capitol at conduct of the officer who committed it, Washington, has experienced a similar and to transmit to governor Provost a copy fate to that inflicted by an American force of the order, under colour of which that on the seat of government in Upper Ca- officer had acted." This disavowal was nada." This assertion, having led to an accordingly communicated, and on the inquiry, I am enabled, from official do- 10th Feb. 1814, governor Provost ancuments, and general information, to state swered, "that it had been with great satisthe following facts of the case, for the in- faction he had received the assurance, formation of the committee. The town that the perpetration of the burning of the of York, in Upper Canada, was taken by town of Newark, was both unauthorised the American army under the command by the American government, and abhorof General Dearborn, on the 27th of rent to every American feeling; that if any April, 1813, and it was evacuated on the outrages had ensued the wanton and unsucceeding 1st of May; although it was justifiable destruction of Newark, passing again visited for a day, by an American the bounds of just retaliation, they were squadron under the command of Commo- to be attributed to the influence of irridore Chauncey, on the 4th of August. At tated passions, on the part of the unforthe time of the capture, the British troops tunate sufferers by that event, which, in on their retreat set fire to their magazine, a state of active warfare, it had not been and great injury was done by the explo- possible altogether to restrain, and that it sion, to property as well as to persons was as little congenial to the disposition of within the range of its effects. At the his majesty's government, at it was to that time of the capture, as well as at the time of the government of the United States, deof Commodore Chauncey's visit, the pub- liberately to adopt any plan of policy, lic stores were seized, and the public which had for its object the devastation store houses were destroyed; but the of private property." But the disavowdestruction of public edifices for civil uses, al of the American government was not or of private property, was not only un- the only expiation of the unauthorized ofauthorised, but positively forbidden by fence committed by its officer; for the Brithe American commanders; and it is un-tish government undertook itself, to redress derstood that no private house was de- the wrong. A few days after the burning stroyed by the American troops. It has of Newark the British and Indian troops recently, however, appeared, that a pub-crossed the Niagara for this purpose; they lic building, of little value, called the Parliament House (not the Government House) in which it is said that an American scalp was found, as a part of the decoration of the speaker's chair, had been burnt; whether it was so, and if it was, whether it was an accidental consequence of the confusion in which the explosion of the magazine involved the town, or the unauthorised act of some exasperated individual, has not been ascertained. The silence of the military and civil officers of the provincial government of Canada, seem to indicate that the transaction was not deemed, when it occurred, a cause, either for retaliation or reproach. -2d. The burning of Newark, adjacent to fort George, occurred on the 10th December, 1813. The act was vindicated

surprized and seized fort Niagara; they burnt the villages of Lewistown, Manchester, Tuscarora, Buffalo, and Black Rock, desolating the whole of the Niagara frontier, and dispersing the inhabitants, in the extremity of the winter. Sir George Prevost himself appears to have been satisfied with the vengeance that had been inflicted; and, in his proclamation of the 12th of January, 1814, he expressly declared, that for the burning of Newark," the opportunity of punishment had occurred; that a full measure of retaliation had taken place, and that it was not his intention to pursue further a system of warfare, so revolting to his own feelings, and so little congenial to the British character, unless the future measures of the enemy should 'compel him again to resort to it." With

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Off York, U. C. April, 20, 1813. "The enemy set fire to some of the principal stores, containing large quanti ties of naval and military stores, as well as a large ship upon the stocks, nearly finish ed."

From the sume to the same, dated Off Niagara, Aug. 14, 1815. "In the evening of the 30th ult. we weighed and stood for York, arrived and anchored in that harbour, at about 3, P. M. on the 31st; ran the schooners into

his answer to Major-General Wilkinson, Extract of a letter from Commodore Isaac which has been already noticed, he trans- Chauncey, to the Secretary of the Navy, mitted a copy of the proclamation, expressive of the determination as to his future line of conduct," and added, "that he was happy to learn, that there was no probability, that any measures, on the part of the American government, would oblige him to depart from it."-3d. The places usually called the Moravian towns, were mere collections of Indian huts and cabins, on the river Retrench or Thames, not probably worth, in the whole, one thousand dollars. The Indians who inhabit them, among whom were some notoriously hostile to the United States, had made incursions the most cruel into their territory. When, therefore, the American army under General Harrison invaded Canada on the 1813, the huts and cabins of the hostile Indians were destroyed. But this species of warfare has been invariably pursued by every nation engaged in war with the Indians of the American Continent. However it may be regretted on the score of humanity, it appears to be the necessary means of averting the still greater calamities of savage hostility; and it is believed, that

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the occurrence would never have been made the subject of a charge against the American troops, if the fact had not been misrepresented or misunderstood. Many people at home, and most people abroad, have been led to suppose, that the Moravian towns were the peaceable settlements of a religious sect of Christians, and not the abode of a hostile tribe of savages.I have the honour to be, &c.

To the Hon. Wm, W. Bibb.

Chairman of the Committee on foreign relations,

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the upper harbour, landed the marines and soldiers, under the command of Col. Scott, without opposition; found several hundred barrels of flour and provisions in the public storehouses, five pieces of cannon, eleven boats, and a quantity of shot, shells, and other stores; all which was either destroyed or brought away. On the 1st inst. after having received on board all that the vessels could take, I directed the barracks and public store houses to be burned; we then re-embarked the men, and proceeded to this place, where we arrived yesterday."

Letter from General Henry Dearborn to the Hon. Joseph B. Varnum, a member of the Senate.

Boston, October 17, 1814. DEAR SIR.-In reply to your letter of the 11th instant. I assure you in the most explicit manner, that no public or private buildings were burned or destroyed by the troops under my command, at York, JAS. MONROE.in Upper Canada, excepting two blockhouses, and one or two sheds belonging to the navy yard. I placed a strong guard in the town with positive orders to prevent any plunder or depredation on the inhabitants; and when leaving the place, a letter was received from rior court, in which he expressed his Judge Scott, chief justice of the supethanks for the humane treatment the inhabitants had experienced from our troops, and for my particular attention to the safety of their persons and property. A frigate, on the stocks, and a large storehouse, containing their naval stores, were set on fire by the enemy, subsequent to their offer of surrendering the troops and public property. Several of the most valuable public buildings, con

Navy Department, February 18, 1815. SIR-In compliance with the request of the committee of the senate, communicated to by me by your note of the 14th, current, I have the honor to transmit to you, herewith, extracts from the letters of commodore Chauncey to the secretary of the navy, on the subject of destroying the public storehouses and stores at York, in Upper Canada, and which is all the information in this department on that subject. I have the honour to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,

B. W. CROWLINSHIELD.

Hon. Wm. W. Bibb,

Chairman of a Committee of the Senate.

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passion for the many who first called for the war, and who would still call for it, if they thought it for their interest. For such men as these I feel no regret; they merit all the calamities they have endured; they are the victims of their own folly and avarice; they are justly punished for their cupidity.-What measures may be necessary to induce the legislature to lend a willing ear to the petitions against the threatened war, it is not for me to say; but after the way in which the petitions against the Corn Bill were received, I do not expect a favorable result, even although nine-tenths of our population were to remonstrate against the measure. The country has supplied the means of commencing, at least, the war. Those now possessing these means, have given pretty good proofs that they are not of disposing minds for peace. It is useless, therefore, to talk to them on that subject. Have all those, who are now petitioning against the war, been careful not to contribute to its support? How can they expect, after opening their purses, and willingly paying their quota of war taxes, that they should have any thing else but war?-It is the taxes that occasions all the mischief. It is the

PETITIONS AGAINST THE WAR. The example of the Livery of London has not been followed by the Citizens of Nottingham alone. In the City of Westminster, and in the Borough, petitions have been voted by the electors against involving the country in all the horrors of a new war with France. These, I am afraid, will have little effect, if the Allies, as is pretended, are bent on renewing the work of slaughter. These are not the times when the people are to expect that their voice will be heard, even by their representatives. But who have they to blame for this? Why, none but themselves. It is they who have all along willingly contributed to carry on the war. It is they, many of them, who now make the greatest noise about the pernicious conse-taxes, the soul and sinews of war, which quences of the last war, that were the first to call for it. Poor drivellers! do they suppose that after investing corruption with the vast power they have done; after giving it the unlimited controul of the national purse; after submitting the neck to that yoke; do these credulous dupes of a crafty system expect, that the noisy lamentations they now set up to procure attention will be met with any thing but a deaf ear. No, no; it is not the way to tame the jackal to feed him with human flesh; it is not the way to eradicate corruption to pour plenty into the lap of the corrupt. Those who have all along been sincere in their desire for peace have been but few in number. They are entitled, and have a legitimate claim, to be heard, but I have little com

have involved the country in its present distress. Until, therefore, measures are adopted, and constitutional measures there are, to bring these taxes within moderate bounds, war we must have, war we shall have, and war will sooner or later involve the country in irrecoverable ruin.

TRIUMPH OF WESTMINSTER, AND PURITY OF ELECTION.-The friends of freedom will, I am persuaded, be gratified to learn, that the eighth anniversary of Sir Francis Burdett's election to represent the city of Westminster, is to be held in the Crown and Anchor Tavern, on Tuesday the 23d instaut; and that Sir Francis is to be in the Chair.

Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed

to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 21.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1815. [Price 1s.

641]

TO CORRESPONDENTS,

IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

[642

may be addressed to me at Botley, near Southampton, and be put, at once, into any post-office in this country.-The hirelings, who conduct nine-tenths of the newspa

Botley, near Southampton, 20th May, 1815. I have, within these few days, had ten-pers in London, have all possible facilities dered to me, through the Post, a small parcel from America, with "newspapers" written on it. This parcel had, as appears by the Post-mark, been sent from Liverpool to London, and from London to Botley. The charge on it was nine shillings and six-pence sterling; that is to say, however, in our paper money, being about, at this time, a dollar and a half. I did not take the parcel, of course, much as I wished to see its contents. From this account, it will be perceived, that, unless parcels of newspapers, coming from America, be actually conveyed by the bearer of them either to me at Botley (which can seldom happen), or to London, the object in sending them must be defeated; for, a file of daily papers, for only one month, sent to me by post from any out-port, would cost, at least, the price of a good large fat hog. I remember one parcel, which came to me, charged with nine pounds some odd shillings of postage, which is now the price of a hog of seventeen score weight.-As I am very desirous to receive, frequently, papers from America, and as the papers in that country are not, as ours are, loaded with a tax equal to more than one half of their retail price, I will point out the manner in which they may be sent to me. The parcel should be addressed to me by name, "to "the care of the Publisher of Cobbett's "Weekly Political Register, London." But, it ought, if the vessel go to London, to be carried by the master, or mate, or by some careful person; and, if the vessel arrive at some out-port, the parcel, with the same direction on it, should be carried to some office, whence a London Coach departs. There it should be delivered, and the bearer should see it booked, as we call it.-By these means American papers will reach me with very little trouble, and an expence of which I should think nothing. All single letters from America

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in receiving American newspapers. But, they publish from them that only which suits their purpose. Their object is to mislead the people here; or, to keep them in the dark; and, they cull out every passage calculated to answer this end. Besides, there are very few papers (the National Intelligencer excepted), which are sent to England, except the papers called Federal. The persons who send these papers, if not English by birth, are English by connection. Thus we see only one side of the picture; and hence it was, that malignant and beastly as is the Editor of our Times newspaper, for instance, the fellow really might be deceived himself by the cookoo clamour of the Aristocratical American newspapers; but, hence, though I could get a sight of none but the same sort of papers, I was not deceived, because I had had that experience, which enabled me to put a proper value upon what I saw in these papers. It is of great consequence to the cause of truth and freedom, that the Republican papers should come to us from America, and that other Republican works should also reach us; for, it is from this Island that opinions and facts go forth to produce impression on the mind of the world. Bound up as our press is, we, by one means or another, contrive to get a great deal into circulation. We are nearer the grand scenes of action than you are; and, if you wish your principles and your example to have their due and speedy effect, we must be the principal vehicle of them.-Some one at Philadelphia has recently sent me a parcel of American papers, received at Philadelphia from other places, from which I perceive, that my Letters to Lord Liverpool have been republished in all parts of the Republic, from Boston to Savannah, from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh. Flattering as this is to my self-love, it is much more gratifying to me as a proof of the powers of the press, and I

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P. S. Since writing the above, I have (22d May) received, from some friend in Philadelphia, a small file of Auroras, containing the " EXPOSITION of the

as the foundation of a rational hope, that power is, from the causes above stated, of the day is not distant, when tyranny, comparatively little service.I take this wherever it may exist, will fall beneath opportunity of expressing my best thanks those powers.-Letter VI. to the Earl of to MR. MATHEW CAREY, of Philadelphia, Liverpool, I wrote, I remember, in a room for a very excellent pamphlet, which he in a farm-house, one morning when I was has had the goodness to send me, entitled detained by rain. I might have thought "A Calm Address to the People of the it; but, certainly I had not then the most "Eastern States, on the Subject of the distant idea, that what I was then writing," Representation of Slaves; the Repre would so quickly come back to me, in" sentation in the Senate; and the Hosti another print, after having been read on lity to Commerce, ascribed to the the banks of the Ohio and those of the "Southern States."-I should be obliged Mississippi.-This single fact; the sight of to some one to send me any work, or only one such print, is to me more than a works, giving an account of the Expences. compensation for all that I have suffered in of the Government, and State Governthe cause of Truth and Freedom. But, it ments of America; also of her shipping. is of far greater importance as a stimulant commerce, debts, taxes, &c. &c. And, if to future exertion, and as suggesting addi- Mr. CAREY, or some other person equally tional care in planning and executing. capable, would spend a few hours in giving But, why should not the friends of Free- me an account of the prices of provisions dom co-operate? We see how firmly and labour, I should deem it a particular bound together its enemies are; how they, favour. These may have changed since I for the furtherance of their grand object, left America. WM. COBBETT. mutually sacrifice all their prejudices and even their petty conflicting interests. You have heard the Saints of Hertford rejoice at the restoration of the Pope. The Holy Father has embraced the Dey of Algiers, who calls him a Christian Dog.-Why should not we aid each other? You are better off than we are. You have free presses in every sea-port; your sea-ports are numerous; your masters of vessels have a direct communication with you; you can easily come at all that we publish. While your continent, and all its presses and literary productions, are shut from us by hundreds of obstacles of which you have no idea, our enemies have their regular correspondences, their communications always open; they know here all that is passing in your country; while we are wholly in the dark; while we are deprived of the use of all those powerful weapons, which your unrestrained press would put into our hands. I hope that these considerations will be sufficient to induce some one of you, at least, to forward to me, in the manner above pointed out, such papers and other publications, as are likely to be of benefit to the cause of Truth and Freedom, and of which you can want no assurance of my will, at any rate, to make the best possible use.'America now begins to make a great figure in the world; but, her example, which, if made universally known, would be of more weight than her military or naval

CAUSES and CHARACTER of the War." This paper, it appears, is offi, cial, and was ready for official promulgation, just at the time when the news of the Peace arrived. I never read so able a paper; never one calculated to produce so great an impression. It is an invaluable document for history; a noble monument of the power of the human mind. If our if they will but read it carefully, they government have received this paper, and will, I am sure, clearly see, that any attempt either to delude, subdue, or check the rise of America, must fail of success. The paper would fill about four whole Registers, perhaps. But, though I cannot insert it; it will be of great use to me; and I beg the sender to accept of my best thanks.

LETTER III,

TO LORD CASTLEREAGH.

On the hope of success, in a War against France, which hope is founded on the discontents said to exist in that country. MY LORD,-I learn, through the TIMES newspaper, that these letters of mine, addressed to you, are regularly re-published in France; so that we are in a fair way

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