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descending to posterity together; a consi- tile to Mr. Madison that commotions deration which cannot, of course, fail to were actually in existence; that the States. encourage me in a continuance of the cor- were upon the eve of dividing ; that thes, respondence. The Times recommends to President was about to be impeached; and, you and your colleagues to put a stop, by, that we ought not to make peace, till he: ? the strong hand of power, to writings like was deposed and punished. They now tell: mine, in order to prevent their being us of divisions and con otions in France. transfused into the French language; and, This is now the lure to entice us into an it does this in the same breath, in which it approbation of war., calls upon this burdened nation to make And, my Lord, to what do these comwar upon France, because (as it falsely motions amount? That there are disconasserts) she has a tyrant at the head of her tented persons in France; that the Bourgovernment. Such are the writers, who bons have partisans ainongst ex-nobles and call for war against the French people: ex-priests, who had begun again to scent such, if you plunge us into war, will be the sweets of feudal and ecclesiastiqał ty, your friends and supporters. I have been ranny, is so natural, that it would be mitold, that, amongst other means, that have | raculous indeed, if there were not troubles been made use of to impede the circulation in the interior af France. But to what do of the Register, it has been forbidden to they amount.? We hear of breaches of the be taken in at Army Mess-Rooms and in peace; we hear of political squabbling; Ward-Rooms on board of Ships of War. we hear of angry aud «violent disputes ; I have never complained of this. But, but where, since the surrender of the Duke my Lord, it is very hard, if I am to be per- of Angouleme, do we hear of any thing mitted to have readers neither abroad nor like a powerful opposition to the present at home. And, what a cause must that order of things? We are told, by the . be, which thus wishes to silence by the Times newspaper, that, in one particular strong band of power, all its opponents! instance, .cannon has been brought to de

But the subject on which I am now fend the barracks against the people. about to address your Lordship, is of a But, my Lord, the very same papers more serious nature. The partisans of are compelled to confess, that some of the war, always blind to the past, appear to Belgian troops have been actually killed, be very busily engaged, at this time, in and others wounded in an effort to go over. providing for themselves, in advance, every to the French; that, at Liege, some of species of disappointment and mortifica- the Saxon (now Prussian) soldiers hare. tion. They have, as in the case of Ame- mutinied, refused to march, and have even rica, spoken with so much confidence of attempted acts of violence on the ... dear success; with so much contempt of the old Blucher," whose whiskers the nasty adversary; and with so much insolence wretches in London, calling themselves bare they treated him and the whole of the “ Ladies," were beastly. enough to sloba French nation, that, were they not noto- ber. Nay, we are told, and that, too, in a riously dead to all sense of shame, they proclamation under his own hand, that must, in case of failure, commit upon " he has escaped assassination.” We read, themselves that act, which they would in proclamations of the King of Prussia, richly merit from the hands of a personage that to speak in favour of Napoleon is to who is about upon their own level in point be punished with the utmost severity. And of occupation. They have now started yet, we are not to be permitted to doubt, new game; they have now discovered new that all the nations on the Continent are ground of hope. They now tell us that very hearty in the cause against France; France is in a state of commotion, and al-while the most insignificant riot in France most of rebellion, against Napoleon ; and, we are to look upon as the certain sign of * that when once the allied armies begin to national hostility to the present governmove into France, the whole nation will ment. de clare for the King.

If, my Lord, the same criterion were My Lord, you know this to be false; applied to ourselvesz · what should we but, it is no more than merely the second say? We have seen, and, I believe, we chapter of the delusions practised with re- now see, more than one county in Ireland gard to America. These same writers told proclaimed to be in a state of disturbance, us, that the people of America were hos- we saw, not long ago, counties in Engłand:

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in a similar state; we have, within these What reason have we, then, to suppose few years, seen a Prime Minister shot in that he is not liked by the people of the lobby of the House of Commons, and France ? How came he i Paris? What we saw great numbers of troops brought but the good wishes, the anxious desires, to London and stationed at no great dis- of the people, took him thither? What! tavce from the place of Mr. Bellingham's are we to be made believe, that he, who executioni. The newspapers informed us, went, not only without an army, but al. that, in the disturbed counties in England, most without companions of any sort, the Judges were guarded by troops of the 500 miles through cities and towns fortiline. Mr. Bankes is reported, in our fied, and arrived in the capital without newspapers, to have said, not long since, having seen a single hand raised against in the loose of Commons, that the military him; are we to believe, that he is bov were sometimes called in to assist in col- hated by the people of France ? And, are tecting the taxes in your country, Ireland. we to believe, that Louis, who found not The newspapers have recently told us of a single man to defend his throne; whose two instances, at Norwich and at Lynn, departure was as quiet as if he had been a in England, where the German troops traveller, lodged at an hotel; who, with were employed to keep the people from all the armies, all the civil authorities, all committing violences. And, houp Jong, the treasures of the country, at his comhow many weeks is it since troops of the mand, could not, though he offered im-line were brought to prevent your own mense rewards, obtain the support of any house from being demolished, as those of dozen of persons: are we to believe, that the Lord Chancellor and the Chief Judge's the whole of the French nation are now had been? Nay, were not troops of the for this king ? line brought to defend the Parliament We are told, that the measures of police, llouse and its Members against the peo- which have been adopted in France, prove ple, and that, too, only about nine weeks, that Napoleon and his government feel or ten weeks ago? Is there any thing themselves in danger. But, my Lord, let going on in France equal to these occur. us bear in mind, that, during the war rences ? And, yet, does any one pretend, against the Wrench Republic, the Habeas that this government is, or has been, likely Corpus Act was suspended in England for to be overthrown? . It is said, from the seven years, and that the King and council German papers, that Napoleon takes pre- imprisoned, without trial, for any length cautions against assassination; and, sure of time, any man whom they thought it ly, my Lord, after all that has been pro- right to imprison; and, that, in Ireland, mulgated, and even attempted, such pre martial law was in existence at severat cautions cannot be thought wholly un periods, and for a great length of time. necessary. But, does this argue, that the Yet, did any one ever presame to say, nation hate him? Our gracious and be that the King and his government were Fored King went to the Parliament llouse, bated by the nation ? and to the Play, of late years,

a bullet. We are told also to look at the French proof coach ; but, did that fact argue, that finds, and to conclude from tñeir price, he was hated by his people ?

that the nation are disaffected towards the Every trifle, the words, or pretended government. I have shewn; I have words, of any individual, hostile to Napo- prodeıl, in my last number, that the French leon, is greedily caught åt and carefully funds are very nearly as high in price as retailed out, by the writers in London. ours are. I have demonstrated this : bat, If the press of Paris were to pursue this is there no other cause for low price of mode with regard to our government, public funds in France besides that of the what would it make of the pithy precepts disaffection of the people. The wonder and sentiments, written on the walls in and is, that when a million of men are preabout London, where any one may ea- paring to invade France, the funds sell sily fid words in pruise of Napoleon, for any thing at all. Their being at 60, but I will not say what is to be found under such circumstances, proves the great with regard to others. Why, if the walls confidence of the nation. If we were upon of Paris were written over in such a way the point of being actually invaded ; if as to Napoleon and his government, we we saw only 100 thousand men on board should he told hourly to expect to hear of of boats in Bologne harbour ready to sail his total destruction.

for England, and had no defence but a land

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defence, what price do you think our funds | has been called, except in the town of Plujwould be at? Yet, the French see many mouth, whose address for wur is consis hundreds of thousands of men armed dered in the same light as the prostestani against them; they know that tkey have Fishermen of Newfoundland giving the to depend only on their arms for defence; Pope" as a standing toast. The truth isig they have no sea to protect them; they that, from one end of the country to the know that their country is fiable to be other, the feeling of the people is against invaded cvery hour: still their funds war. There is not one man, or woman, are nearly at as good a price as ours. out often, who dees not condemn the What reason, therefore, have to presumptuous notice of making war upon couclade from the price of the funds, France to compel her to change her Chief that the french nation are disa ilected Magistrate. The case is so plain, that all towards their government? But supe men understand it. They all say, that pose the funds were to experience in 'we lave no business to intermeddle. The France a greater fall. What have we questien adnits of no disguise. For this seen in England ? Why, we saw the time even the craft of the prostituted Bank stop payment in 1797, not upon an newspapers cannot succeed in deceiving actual invasion by an army, but merely the people. Therefore, if you still resolve upon th. report of an invasion being in- to enter upon this war, you find no volun. Yended, though we had the whole country tary contributions; you will find very lit. armed, and though we had a fleet to de- tle zeal on the part of the mass of the fend us of more tiran 500 ships of war! It people; and, if events should compel you was then that the Bank obtained an act of to make peace, you will find yourselves parliament to enable it to refuse to pay its in such a situation as no English Ministry own notes in money. From that time it has were ever before itt. You will then feel 'not paid in money, except in a trifling the real effect of that system of politics degree. Since that, laws have been passed begun by Pitt, which system has been to make Bank notés a legal tender, and to pursued from 1792 'till the present hour, prob.bit the sale of guineas. Yet, no one I

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&c. &c. Wm. COBBETT. has presumed to say that the nation huted Botley, 23d May, 1815. the king, and that the people would not fight to defend the country against foreign invasion. Why, therefore, are we to conclude that the French pation hate Na

SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. poleon, because the French funds are at Onthe Pitt System of war against France. a low price? I think it is clear, then, that we have

Botley, 24th May, 1815. Do good reason'to rely for assistance in war, Sir,— Your speech, delivered at the if war should be finally resolvedou, on the Westminister Meeting, last week, has led dislike of the people of France to their to a train of reflections in my mind, which.. government. We must rely, I think solely I cannot refrain from laying before the rupon the force of our arms and those public, and, in order that they may have of our Allies; and, if all the people of a better chance of possessing some little France ure heartily opposed to us, what merit in the eyes of my readers, I address prospeet have we of ultimate success? them inmediately to you.

On the other hand, how do the people From the out-set of the wars against of England feel as to this expected war? the Republic of France, you contended,

There have been petitions, or remonstran- that the result would be injurious to Eng. ces, agaiust it in London, Westminster, land. I will, for the present, leavc aside Nottingham, and others are preparing the real motides of the wars, and will But, where have we seen a meeting to rep. merely consider their effects, as they have prove of the war? For the war of 1793 hitherto developed themselves. You corthere were Meetings in abundance. Not tended, that we ought to have left the one in favour of this war. : It is not to be French nation to itself ; that, justice and doubted, that the Noblesse and the Cler- morality and freedom out of the question, gy and other persons would call Meetings the Eoglish nation would, in the end, in favour of war, if the public feeling was groatly suffer in consequence of war at all for war. Yet not one such Meeting against France. That, therefore, wisdom,

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sound policy, bade our government remain | land could not be reduced without leaving „at peace. The politics of Pitt first, and the government to make loans in time of afterwards of LordSGRENVILLE and GREY, peace. The war had; to outward appearof Percival and LORD CASTLERLAGH, ance, been crowned with success. The were directly opposed to yours. They Bourbons, the Pope, the Inquisition had :were for war, and (leaving justice out of been restored, and “ French principles" the question), they said it was necessary, had been extinguished. But, in the obin order to prevent the contagion of French taining of this success, the nation had inprinciples. They said, that they were aware curred an additional debt, the interest of that great sacrifices would be necessary; which demanded 31 millions of pounds but, that it was better to sacrifice a part sterling to be raised in taxes every year than the whole of our property and our for ever, which, with the 9 millions of religion into the bargain. They asserted, taxes annually required before 1793, made that France was in the gulph of bunk- 40 millions a year for ever to be raised in ruptcy; and, that if we expended much, taxes. It was soon discovered, that the she would be totally ruined.

reward which long perseverance in the The war began. France, instead of war was to receive, was never to be rebeing conquered, became a conqueror. ceived. The nation, no longer amused France, in the year 1797, had got rid of and buoyed up by the events of war, 'and .alınost the whole of her debt, and her cur- the hopes of its final success, began to cry reicy was gold, while, in that same year, out for relief from its burdens. Those the Bank of England obtained an Act of who were able to escape from their share Parliament to enable it to refuse to pay of these burdens, sought relief by going its bills in money. Still the war raged, to live in France. The land became untill, at last, in 1814, we saw the Bourbons able to pay the taxes, necessary to dis..actually replaced upon the throne of charge the interest of the debt and to keep France.

up the army, navy,

and other establish This was the day of triumph with the ments. A law was passed to keep out system of Pitt! Now it was, that you French produce, in order to enable the were tauntingly reminded of your long op- land in England to pay its taxes. The position to the war. Now it was, that people cried aloud against such a measure, you were called upon to confess your at a moment when they expected cheaperror, and to go and perform an act of ness to return, and when trade, commerce, penitence at the foot of the statue of Pitt.and manufactures were visibly on the deYou were better employed. You were cline. A shock was felt from one end of fox-hunting, I believe. In the mean the kingdom to the other. All was now while the nation was drunk with joy. manifestly out of juint; and the govern. Bonfires, bellringing, roasting oxen, il- ment appeared to be more einbarrassed Juminations, sham-fights, temples of vic than at any period of the war, not except:

tory, triumphal arches. The country re- ing even that when the Bank stopped pay, .sounded with the boast of our having ing its notes in money. gloriously triumphed at last; of our long This was the situation of England when perseverance having been rewarded by a Napoleon returned to France. There glorious result.

fore, in estimating the Pitt system, I have But, it did not require the return of no need, unless I choose, to take into view Napoleon to make the nation feel, that all this wonderful event; for, it seems to me, this boasting was without reason, and that, that that system would have produced all while the recent events had, afforded the evils that you foreboded, if this event ground for transient exultation, the per- had never taken place. This system had, severance in the war had loaded us with indeed, replaced the Bourbons on the - lasting calamities. It did not require the throne, contrary to your expectations and return of Napoleon to convince us of this. your hopes; but, it had, in doing that, The people had been buoyed up with the destroyed the prosperity and happiness of hope, that PEACE would bring them ease England. It had, it was supposed, exfrom the burdens which they had so long tingaished “ French principles;" but, in been compelled to bear. · But, they soon order to do that, it had made paupers of, discovered, that, even with the Bourbons perhaps, a million of our people; and it on the throne of France, the taxes in Eng- had laid its hands on a great part of the

that we

property and the earnings of the rest of upon those persons who remained, and the community. It had closed the contest whose means of paying taxes would have by making it the interest of English people been diminished daily; that the demand of fortune to go and live upon that fortune for labour, in all branches, would have dein France, in order to be more at their ease, creased; that the nation would have beand to enjoy greater happiness than they come more and more languid and feeble; could, with the same means, enjoy at and this, too, while the means of France, home. These were the permanent effects from the migration of English of all sorts, which the Pitt system had produced, before not excepting the ablest of manufacturers, the return of Napoleon; and, I believe, would have increased in a like proportion; that few men of any knowledge as to these, and while America, our war with whom matters, will be found to say, was the natural consequences of, and, inshould have been able, without some very deed, made a part of, the Pitt system, had great change at home, to have gone on for established manufactories to a great exany length of time in peace. It is noto- tent, and was coming forth, fresh, vigorous, rious, that the distresses of the country elated, full of reputation, of hope, and of were never so great as during the last means, to enter upon a rivalship with us, twelve mooths. That the merchant, the not only in maritime commerce, but also manufacturer, the shop-keeper, the artisan, in naval power. never experienced so great a degree of disa Such was the result; such were the ef. tress; and, we have recently heard it de- fects of the Pitt system, even as things clared in the House of Commons, that the stood previous to Napoleon's departure County Jails are now crowded with the from Elba. Such were the effects, upon Cultivators of the Land. This is what the supposition that “ French principles* was never before known in England. It had really been extinguished in Europe. is a new, and the most conclusive proof, of If any one deny the facts which I have national distress.

stated, he will, of course, reject the conWhile England was in this state, France clusion at which I have been aiming; but afforded to all who went thither, proofs of if no one can deny these facts, no one can great internal prosperity. Her agriculture deny, that the Pitt system has been the was pouring its super-abundance upon us, most fatal that England ever saw; and and was producing that cheapness which that, even while the Bourbons were on the our people wanted, which the necessities throne of France, you were justified in of the government could not allow it to maintaining, that your opposition to the permit them to have. The land in France, war had been, by the result, proved to comparatively, little burdened, was send have been founded in wisdom: not only ing forth its products to cause cheapness in justice and a love of freedom, but in here, and to carry back the means of fruc- sound policy, having in view solely the tification in its own bosom. The French prosperity and power of England. Joaf was driving our own out of the mar- But it may be said, and by some perket, and compelling our government either sons it will be said, that though the fact be to exclude it from our country, or to ab- incontestibly proved, that Ingland has stain from taking from the land in England lost greatly by the war against France; the means of paying the interest of the though it be proved, that even with the debt, occasioned by that war, which had Bourbons on the throne, hor prosperity torminated in re-placing the Bourbons on was sapped, her force greatly impaired, the throne of France, and, as was thought, her people'plunged in distress, and her in extinguishing “ French principles.

financial overthrow clearly approaching : It was manifest to all men, capable of though all this be proved, she had by war reasoning upon such subjects, that the re- avoided a revolution. If by revolution is sult, if peace had continued, even with the meant a reform in Parliament, I agree to Bourbons in France, would have been the the assertion. But I will not, at present, most deplorable distress in England. It contend upon this head. Granted, that was madifest, that a large part of the rents we must have had a revolution, in the Pitt of land, and of the dividends on stock, sense of the word, if we had not had war, would have been drawn from England and And what then? Why, if we had had a expended in France; that the undimi- revolution, we should, at any rate, not nishe'd taxes would have fallen wholly have been worse off than the people of

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