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VOL. XXVII. No. 3.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 21, 1815.

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AMERICA.

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be really free; there no man will tremble while he writes; and there truth PEACE being now happily concluded must and will prevail.-It is often ob with the country of freedom, it will not served, that history, to be impartial, be necessary for me to occupy so large must be written long after the date of a portion of the Register, as I lately the events of which it is a record. have, with observations relating to it. This is a strange notion. It is so conBut, still this country, now nearly as trary to every rule of common life, much above all others in military and that it naturally staggers one. If we naval prowess as she is, and long has want to keep our accounts, or the rebeen, in civil, religious, and political cords of any proceedings in life, acculiberty; still this favoured country, rately, we never lose a moment in this asylum and example to the op- minuting the facts down as they ocpressed of all other nations, must con- cur. If evidence is given from a writtinue to be a deeply interesting object ten paper, it must, to make the evievery one, whom I wish to see dence good, have been written at the amongst my readers. I shall, there- moment that the facts occurred. How fore, in future, write of the affairs of strange, then is it, that, for history to America under one general title, num- be true, it must be written a century, bering the several articles from No. I, or two, after the period, to which it onwards.--Previous to the war, I wrote relates; That is to say; that, to come several articles, under the form of at the real truth of any national ocLetters and otherwise; during the war currence, in order to arrive at a just a great many more. And, I am of decision upon the conduct of a nation, opinion, if all these were collected to- you must enter upon the inquiry after gether, from the month of July, 1810, all the witnesses are dead, and after to the 14th of this present month of all the springs, hidden from common January, 1815, they would be found eyes, and which no man has dared to to contain as good a history of this im- record an account of in print, are wholly portant struggle, as is likely to appear forgotten and are sunk, for ever, out of in any other shape. The rise, the pro- sight. It is said, that, at the time gress, the termination, are all here to be when the events occur, the historian found very amply detailed. The views is too near to the passions and prejuon both sides; the passions, the pre- dices of the times, and is too likely to judices; the means made use of to partake of them. But, at a hundred delude the people of England. The years after the events, what has he to effect of the result of the contest on refer to but writings of the times; and, men's minds. All will here be found how, then, is he more likely to get at to have been faithfully recorded; that the truth? We suppose the historian is to say, as far as I have dared to go; to seek earnestly for truth; and is he and for the restraint, which I have more likely to get at it, when all the been under, and for which no human springs are forgotten and all the witingenuity could have compensated, the nesses dead, than when he has access judicious and impartial reader will to them all?-The real state of the make a suitable allowance. This, case is this the historian DARES however, is only said as to our side of NOT write a true history of present the water; for, in the country of free-events, and a true description of the dom, the naked truth will be told. character of public institutions, estabThere every man will write and publish lishments, laws, and men, in any counwhat he pleases; there discussions will try except America. Truth, in Eng

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and animated pen, set to work on this fine subject, a subject so closely connected with the cause of Freedom all over the world, there is no doubt of its obtaining circulation, even in England; and while it would be sure, by means of a French translation, to be read all over the Continent, where it must produce a prodigious effect. But I hope to see nothing of the maudling kind; nothing of the milk and water; nothing of the "gentlemanly" sort; no mincing of the matter. But, a real, true, history, applying to persons and acts the appellations which justice assigns them. If such a work were published, rather than not possess a copy, I would make one of my sons traverse the Atlantic, expressly to fetch it to me. I hope, however, that some man, in America, who feels upon the subject as I feel, will take the trouble to convey to me by a safe hand (not through the Post Office) a copy or two of the first work of the above description that shall appear. But mind, I should despise any history which should not speak of ALL the actors, on both sides, without the smallest regard to the humbug and palaver of the day, applying to their actions and their characters, and their

land, may be a LIBEL; libels are punished more severely than the greatest part of felonies, as my Lord FOLKSTONE shewed, in the House of Commons, from an examination of the Newgate Calendar; and, it is well known, that in answering a charge of libel, the TRUTH of what you have written, or published, is not allowed EVEN TO BE GIVEN IN EVIDENCE. This is the real, and the only ground for pretending, that history ought to be written long after the period to which it relates. But, how are you bettered by length of time? It is a libel here to speak evil of the dead. The dead villain must not, if it give offence to certain persons, be truly characterized; and, remember, that the sources, to which the historian has to refer, are precisely those which have been created under this law of libel. In the great Republic of America, the case is wholly different. There, any man may publish any thing that he pleases of public measures, or public men, provided that he confine himself to truth in what he asserts to be facts. There any opinions may be published; but, here, even opinions expose writers, printers, and pubJishers to punishment; and, observe, that that which a man may say in a private letter, is held to be pub-motives, the plainest as well as the lished, and if determined to be libellous, liable to punishment.--Well may we hold it to be a maxim, that the writing of history ought to be delayed until a remote period; but it would be a much more sensible maxim, that no history, written under such circumstances, (with a law that punishes libels on the dead) ought ever to be regarded as any thing better than a sort of political romance. There is no reason, however, why a history of this war should not immediately be written, and published in the Republie, with whom, thank the Ministers, and the President, and the brave Republicans, we are now at peace. From that country we may now receive such a history. It might be a little too strong to be published here; or even to be sold here. But those who wished for copies might get them through private channels; though, I ought to observe, for the good of the unwary, that to lend a book, or, to shew a book, to another person, is to publish a book in the eye of our sharp-sighted libel law. Nevertheless, if some able

truest of epithets and terms. I want
to have it all out. I am not much dis-
posed to be unhappy. I never meet
calamity half way. But really, such a
work; the reading of such a work, and
hearing my children read it, would
make up for years of misery, if I had
passed such; and it would be much
more than a compensation for all the
sufferings of my life. In short, I have
set my heart on this thing, and, if I am
disappointed, I shall be grieved more
than I ever yet have been; ten thou-
sand times more than I was, when 1
heard the sentence of JUDGE GROSE
on me of two year's imprisonment in
Newgate, a thousand pounds fine to
the King, and seven years bound to
good behaviour afterwards, in bonds of
5,000 pounds, for having written about
the flogging of English local militia-
men at Ely, and about German dra
goons. But, why should I be disap-
pointed? Have I not, if no
one else
will take up the pen, a son to take it up
in the cause of truth and liberty? The
world is wide; and now it is open.---

manner.

No. I.

"stored to this country." Sir J. C.
"HIPPISLEY could see no reason what-

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In the mean while let us not neglect that which is yet within our own power. We ought to keep the Republic con- ever for calling the Americans the only stantly before our eyes. Though we "free people in the world, and should make her less the subject of observa-" certainly divide the meeting if the tion than we have done for some time "motion were persisted in. It was a past, we ought never to lose sight of LIBEL on our own country; for his her. The enemies of liberty are al- part, he HATED THE AMERICANS. ways on the watch to assail, through They were a set of slaves to the Goher sides, the object of their mortal vernment of France, and--(some exhatred; and, therefore, we ought to pressions of disapprobation arose) when lose no occasion of facing and of fight-" Mr. DICKINSON said, that he certainly ing them. In order to facilitate refer-" must join in deprecating the resoluence, and to give something of unifor- tion. He hoped the meeting would mity of arrangement to the matter in" not consent to compliment any nation the Register, relating to America, I in- " at the expense of our own, and of tend to insert, under one general head, every other in the globe. He had all such matter of my own writing, and "considerable reason for believing, that to mention under that general head the" the Congress at Vienna was now emseveral topics treated of, in the following ployed in endeavouring to unrivet the "chains of the suffering Africans; and engaged, as the Powers of Europe AMERICA.-Mr. HUNT's motion and" were, in so sacred a cause, he could Sir John Cox HIPPISLEY'S speech re- "not consent that any aspersion, direct specting her.--The Courier's attack on or indirect, should be cast upon them. Mr. BINNS, a publisher at Philadelphia." Mr. HUNT then requested the Sheriff At a Meeting of the county of Somer-" to put the resolution, which, upon the set, on the 9th instant, a curious occur"shew of hands, was negatived by a rence took place with regard to the peace very considerable majority." Whether with America. I will first give the ac- there be any free country in the world, count of it from the TIMES newspaper still remaining, besides the Republic of of the 16th instant, and make on it such America, is a question that I do not observations as most naturally present choose to decide, or to give my opinion themselves. The reader should first be upon. But, I cannot help observing, informed, however, that the meeting was that the question was decided in the negaheld for the purpose of discussing a pe- tive by a meeting of the county of Sotition to Parliament against the Property merset only by "a considerable majority;" Tar, or Tax upon Income, which tax and, I must further observe, that the re ought, by law, to expire in a few months, port of this "considerable majority" comes but which tax it is supposed the govern- to us through the Times newspaper, that ment means to propose the continuation, channel of skunk-like abuse of America or revival.--The following is the report of and all that is American. Let it be rethe TIMES: On Monday last, at the membered, too, that the power of de"meeting of the freeholders, &c. holden ciding who had the majority lay wholly "at Wells, to petition Parliament for the and absolutely with the Sheriff, who is "repeal of the Property-tax, after the busi- an officer appointed by the crown. This "ness of the day was disposed of (an ac-being the case, the words, "considerable "count of which has already appeared" majority" will be pretty well understood "in this paper).---Mr. HUNT remarked, to mean any thing but a large majority; "that the meeting should not disperse and, perhaps, some people may doubt 啡 61 without expressing its thankfulness to whether there was any majority at all. "those by whose efforts peace had been At any rate, the County of Somerset "made between us and America. He divided upon the question of, whether "therefore read a resolution, which he America was, or was not, the only free "submitted for their approbation: ""That country left in the world. This was, at "the thanks of this meeting are due to least, a question for which many were in those by whose exertions peace with the affirmative. It was received and put to "the Americans, the only free remain- the vote without any marks of disappro ing people in the world, has been re-bation; while, on the other hand, he

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was hissed, who said that he hated the lished as yours. But, Sir John, why do Americans, and who called them the you HATE the Americans? You cannot, slaves of the French Government. And surely, hate them because they pay their why, good Sir John, do you hate the President only about six thousand pounds Americans? What have they done to a year, not half so much as our APOTHEyou? You say, that they are the slaves CARY GENERAL receives. You, surely, of the Government of France; but you cannot hate them because they do not do not find it convenient to produce any pay in the gross amount of their taxes proof of what you say. This, Sir John, as much as we pay for the mere collecis one of the old state falsehoods of the tion and management of ours. You, Times newspaper, which you are retailing surely, cannot hate them because they at second-hand like a Grub-street pedlar. keep no sinecure placemen, and no You are, in this instance, a poor crawl- pensioners, except to such as have aeing imitator of a wretched grinder of paid- tually rendered them services, and to for paragraphs. Prove, or attempt to them grant pensions only by vote of prove what you say. Attempt, at least, their real representatives. You, surely, to prove, that the Americans are the cannot hate them because, in their counslaves, or have been, the slaves of the try, the press is really free, and truth French; or, you must be content to go cannot be a libel. You, surely, cannot about saddled with the charge of having hate them because they have shewn made an assertion, without being either that a cheap government is, in fact, the able or willing to shew it to be true. I strongest of all governments, standing in assert, that the Americans were not, in no need of the troops or of treason laws any shape or degree, subservient to France. to defend it in times even of actual I assert, that they all along acted the part invasion. You may, indeed, pity them of a nation truly independent. I assert, because they are destitute of the honour that they, in no case, shewed a partiality of being governed by some illustrious for the Government of Napoleon. If family; because they are destitute of any proof were wanted of their having Dukes, Royal and others, of Most Noble placed no reliance upon France, we bave Marquises, of Earls, Viscounts and Bait in the fact, the fact so honourable, so rons; because they are destitute of glorious to them, and so unfortunate for Knights of the Garter, Thistle and Bath, us; I mean the fact of their continuing Grand-Crosses, Commanders and Comthe contest after Napoleon was put down, panions; because they are, in spite of and still, as firmly as before, refusing to the efforts of the Massachusetts' intriguers, give up to us one single point, though still destitute of Illustrious Highnesses, they saw us allied with all Europe, and Right Honourables, Honourables, and though they saw the whole of our mon- Esquires; because they are destitute of strous force directed against them, having long robes and big wigs, and see their no other enemy to contend with. This lawyers, of all ranks, in plain coats of proves that they placed no reliance upon grey, brown, or blue, as chance may France. When they declared war, they determine; because they are destitute saw us with a powerful enemy in Europe. of a Church established by law and of Upon that circumstance they, of course, tythes: you, may, indeed, pity the Recalculated, as they had a right to do; publicans on these accounts; but, Sir but, when that enemy, contrary to their John, it would be cruel to hate them. expectation, was put down all of a sud-To hate is not the act of a Christian, den, and the whole of our enormous force and very illy becomes a man like yourwas bent against America, she was not in- self, who has been a hero, a perfect dratimidated. She still set us at defiance; gon, in combating the anti-christian prinshe faced us; she fought us; and, at the ciples of the French Revolution. Pity, end of a few months, instead of receiving the Americans, Sir John. Forgive them, a Vice Roi at Washington, as we had Sir John. Pray for them, Sir John. But been told she would, she brought us to do not hate them, thou life and formake peace with her without her giving up tune defender of our holy religion. Pray to us one single point of any sort. Deny that they may speedily have a King and this, if you can, Sir John; and, if you Royal Family, with a Commander in Chief cannot, answer to the people of Somerset and Field Marshals; that they may have for the speech, which the Times has pub-fa Civil List and Sinecures; that they may

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have Lords, Dukes, Grand-Crosses, in slavery; and, that, therefore, it is imClergy, Regular Army, and tythes; pray possible to believe, that the people of for these things, in their behalf, as long Russia, and Germany, and Hungary, are as you please; pray that the Americans not all perfectly free. I dare say, that may have as good a government as we Mr. Dickinson said a great deal more have; but, because they have it not, do upon the subject, and produced facts not hate them. I was really very happy as well as arguments to prove, that Mr. to perceive, that you were hissed for this HUNT's motion was an unjust attack sentiment, at the County Meeting. I upon those powers; and, I confess, that was happy to perceive it, because it was it would be a great treat to me to see a sign, that the people of England are those facts upon paper. coming to their senses upon this the most MR. BINNS, a publisher in Philadelimportant of all subjects. Why could phia.-In the COURIER of a few days you not have expressed yourself in terms, back, there appeared an article from an less hostile to every generous and humane American paper, pointing out some of feeling? I confess, that Mr. HUNT's mo- the means, which the government of that tion, though if he thought it true, he was country ought to employ to annoy and right in making it, might fairly be objected injure England; and, the Courier, at the to by any one who thought differently. But, head of the article, observes, that it is you might have reprobated the endeavour taken from a paper, published by one to describe England as not free, (if you BINNS, who was engaged in the regarded her as being free) without say-"TREASONABLE plot of O'Connor." ing that you hated the Americans. This The article contained a very urgent reit was, that shocked the meeting, and, commendation to the Congress to pass accordingly it hooted you, as appears efficient laws for providing comfortable from the report, as published even by means of subsistence for English de the Times newspaper. Every effort serters; and also to pass laws for the ought now to be made to produce recon-destruction of English commerce by Ameciliation with America; and, you appear rican privateers. Now, it does, and it to have done all that you were able to do, must give one pain to see an Englishman to perpetuate the animosities engendered exerting, with so much zeal, his talents and by the war. Mr. DICKINSON managed the powerful means of the press against his opposition to the motion more adroitly. his native country, that country being He observed, that the holy-war Powers, ours as well as his, and containing, as now in Congress at Vienna, were, "he had we know it does, so many excellent inconsiderable reason to believe," engaged dividuals, such a mass of industry, inin an effort to unrivet the chains of the tegrity, and virtue of every sort. But, African slave, and, therefore, he could let us be just let us look at the other not consent to any motion that might side; let us consider the cause of this seem to glance against their people being hostility in Mr. BINNS; and every can free. So, Mr. DICKINSON concluded, did man, though he may still, and will it seems, that, if the "sacred-cause" still be sorry to see, that England has powers should settle upon some general such powerful enemies (for a press really prohibition against the increase of slaves free is all power) in her own children, in the West Indies, there cannot possibly will be less disposed, I do not say to remain any thing like slavery in Russia, blame, but certainly less disposed to abuse Prussia, Poland, Germany, Bohemia, Mr. Binns. This malignant writer calls Transylvania, Sclavonia, Italy, Spain, or him a TRAITOR. This is false. He Portugal. I should like to have heard was, indeed, tried on a charge of High the chain of argument, through which Treason; but, though the greatest talents this member for Somerset arrived at such were employed against him, he was found a conclusion from such premises. I sup-to be "NOT GUILTY," and was, acpose that it must have been something cordingly, DISCHARGED by the Judge. in this way: That the "sacred-cause" He was taken up in virtue of a warrant powers are all perfectly sincere in their from the Secretary of State, the Habeas professions; that, being so, it is impos- Corpus Act being then suspended; he sible to believe, that they would shew so was imprisoned in the Tower; he was much anxiety for the freeing of the Afri- conveyed to Maidstone to be tried; he cans, while they held their own subjects was there declared to be NOT GUILTY,

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