: 86 "he, and those who acted with him, must would prove most conducive to the hap"piness of Europe. He (Lord Castle"reagh) was prepared to shew when the "question came before the House, that "the decisions which had been made with "respect to the immediate interests of this country, were more advantageous than "those fondly contemplated by Mr. Pitt, "as the consequences of successful war.— "He had not hoped that such good con"ditions could be obtained for Holland as "had been secured at the Congress. Mr. "Pitt had considered it necessary to tend the power of Prussia beyond the "Rhine, and the annexation of Genoa with Piedmont was a part of his plan, "much as that arrangement had of late "been censured by those in opposition to "the present Government. At an early "period of the late war, at least when the "( successes of the Allies had first given a 66 prospect of a successful termination of "the struggle against France, soon after "the Russian army had crossed the Vis"tula, he (Lord Castlereagh) had trans"mitted a copy of the dispatch of Mr. "Pitt to the Ambassador of the Emperor "Alexander, and desired to be apprized "if any, and what alteration had taken "place in the views of Russia with respect "to that plan in the event of the contest "being brought to a successful issue. The answer to this communication informed him, that the Emperor of Russia had nothing to state in departure from the principles of the arrangement laid down by Mr. Pitt in 1805.' This was some proof of their solidity, and on these principles England had gone "into the contest closely united in the "views with her Allies. Acting on these "feelings which had regulated his con26 duct, however he might be sensible that "it was not possible an arrangement with any particular power could fix the rela❝tions of all Europe; and feeling as he "did, that as all Europe must co-operate "in the great work, it could only be ef"fected in a spirit of compromise; yet 64 was it no small satisfaction to him, and .66 66 66 "to all who reverenced the politics of that great statesman, Mr. Pitt, as he did, that "they had lived to see that reduced to practice which his great mind, when "given to the consideration of this impor"tant question, had fondly imagined in the "abstract as the utmost of his wishes."Lived to see what reduced to practice, my Lord? To practice! Why, there is no part of the plan yet reduced to practice. Treaties have, indeed, been made; but, there is a battle to be fought to decide whether those treaties are to have effect. I know nothing of Pitt's schemes that has yet succeeded. He told the nation in 1793, that it had to fight for its existence; and so you and your colleagues and supporters tell the nation now. It is, at any rate, a little premature to boast of your great statesman's success. He had a plan for ex-paying off the National Debt, and the Debt has become more than four times as great as it was when he adopted his plan. He had a plan for ruining the finances of France; and, at the end of four years from that time, he passed a bill to authorize the Bank of England to refuse pay. ment of their notes in cash. He had a plan for inducing the people of England to arm for their country's defence, and he passed a Bill to authorize the keeping up of Hanoverian Regiments in England. He had a plan for reducing the French by the means of famine; and we have now a Corn Bill to prevent the French from pouring in upon us the superabundance of their provisions.-But, you will say, "allow, "at any rate, that his plan for destroying "French principles succeeded." No: for they are not destroyed; and, all the speakers in favour of war insist, that wẹ shall now be devoured by these same French principles, unless we destroy them by war. The passage, which I have taken for my motto, expresses the sentiments of the whole of the war party. It is, indeed, in the mouths of them all, that war, and war only, can save us from French principles.-Therefore, we are, in this respect, just where your great statesman set out with us; but, we have added to our debt and taxes fourfold, and we have found, that, with the Bourbons on the throne, we cannot live in peace, without greater distress even than that occasioned by war. The " Pitt Club" may toast as long as they please; but, I am of opinion, that, whether in peace or war, the Pitt System will very soon have produced consequences V. Of the great means of the Allies against France, including subsidies. Your Lordship said, upon this point, that you had, thus, endeavoured to open the "general ground of the war, trusting much 66 to the MIND, the INTELLIGENCE, "the EXPERIENCE, and EXTENSIVE “KNOWLEDGE of the HOUSE! which "had, for twenty-five years, dwelt on 66 passing events. Although painful to had continued.- But the troops! the troops! Let us see the muster-roll of those who are to destroy French principles by means of powder and ball.--Mr. GRATTAN said, you had 600,000 of these gentlemen preservers of religion and social order; but you carry the number much higher, in your published reported speech of the 26th of May, wherein you give this thinking nation the following 66 66 MUSTER ROLL. 46 his feelings to make a proposition of "this nature, instead of realising those "BRILLIANT PROSPECTS of peace "and security, which, after so many ex66 ertions, the country had a right to contemplate, yet he felt much consolation in comparing our present situation with that in which we stood in the course of "former wars. We were not now con66 tending for our own safety, without a single Ally, against the power of the 66 enemy. Let the House recollect, that even at that moment, when engaged in "the prosecution of our own moral duty, our aid was required for Portugal and “Spain, we had not hesitated to interpose" late eventful war, and had resolved to our strong hand: we had felt bold in "call out a great part of the forces of his "the justice of our cause, and became 66 mighty empire. General Barclay de "the protectors of other countries. This "Tolly was at the head of as fine an army "resolution had been pursued with a de-" as ever was called out on service in any "As far as Austria was concerned, "there were in full operation, ready to "act and be put in motion, an army of "150,000 men in Italy, sufficient of itself "to satisfy the stipulations in the treaty. "But this power would have an army of "extent in another quarter towards the " Rhine, so that instead of 150,000, we 66 might consider the operating and effec"tive army to amount to 300,000 men.—"With respect to the Russian force, he "had the satisfaction to state, that the "Emperor had engaged in the present " contest with that decision which marked "the whole of his conduct throughout the 46 46 66 66 66 66 gree of perseverance, which did honor to country, having such ample means of "the country. We had struggledthrough" selection in their power. The force in "the storm-we survived the period of the ranks under him, which would ar"calamity, and had the satisfaction of "rive at the Rhine, amounted to 225,000 seeing those two nations freed, and the men, and as this army was accompanied "whole of Europe confederated against by a number of volunteers, it would ar"France, instead of being combined" rive at the Rhine as complete in num 66 66 4 against us. It was, therefore, evident, "that we now started from a different 64 point. We were then fighting against France, and the whole power of Europe. "All Europe was now contending with 66 "bers as when it left the Russian empire. “There was assembled besides on the frontiers another army of 150,000 men, under General Wittgenstein; and the Emperor had signified to his Royal High"ness the Prince Regent his readiness to put in motion this army, if exigencies "should render such a measure necessary. 66 66 us against France: nay, a strong com"bination in France itself was probably formed on our side, so that we were fighting with the Powers of the Conti-"No money that it was in our power to nent and a portion of France, against "grant could create such an army-all "the usurpation of Bonaparte and of "that we could possibly do was to assist "the army." Oh! this makes you feel" them in their efforts. That force of consolation, does it? I wish you could" 225,000 men was very nearly advanced hear what the press of America will say "to the Rhine, and in such a state of miupon this. And, what were the. "bril-"litary efficiency as, was never exceeded liant prospects" of peace and security?" by any army.-The third Power which The prospects of peace were worse, were "had made such great exertions during more gloomy, more wretched, than those" the last war, to the great admiration of of war. We had lost all, even if peace 66 every man, had not confined himself to (6 દ "the stipulations of the Treaty, but had, "gency."-Hourra, Pat! here we go at "six corps, of 236,000 men in the the Jacobins! How this must have de"whole, in an effective state. But the lighted the eyes and gladdened the hearts "House were entitled to inquire from of those worthy and zealous gentlemen, the "him, and he was anxious to anti- General Assembly of the Kirk of Scot<< cipate them in their wish for informa- land, who have been the first, and, as tion, whether our pecuniary assistance yet, the only body of men, who have prewas to be confided to the three great sented an address in favour of war. "Powers, and whether such other Powers "as might join the common cause were "to share all the difficulties, without re(6 ceiving any extent of assistance? "thought it right that the House should "know what was the extent of that de"scription of force, and what was the "value of the aid which they were likely VI. Of the small means of the French to defend themselves.-Upon this subject it was said He By the EARL of LIVERPOOL, that "the sentiments of the bulk of the French "nation were extremely averse" to "Napoleon. 66 to receive from us. Having stated the "force of the great Powers, he did not "wish to enter into a statement of the "force of each subordinate Power. Con66 sidering Great Britain and Holland separately, he would estimate the other "Powers together--some of them would "bring considerable forces into the field; "Bavaria, for instance, had an army of "60,000 men of the very best descrip❝tion. The force which that Power, "with Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse, Saxony, the Hanse Towns, and the small "States on the Rhine, would bring into "the field, amounted to one hundred and "fifty thousand men, besides what was 66 already stated. That collective mass "was independent of the force of the "three great Powers, and the force of "Great Britain and Holland.—The Bri"tish force would be 50,000 men, and "the King of the Netherlands was to "furnish an equal amount of 50,000 66 men to the Confederacy. There were 66 actually 30,000 of them in service and “in the field, and the remainder of the "force was in a state of preparation and was expected to be soon ready. Tak 66 66 ing therefore the whole collective force: By 66 66 MR. GRATTAN, that "the French power had in other respects been "diminished. Bonaparte had no "cavalry; he had no money; he had no title, nor any credit. The peo"ple had never regreted his absence; on the contrary, they were over"joyed at it. Indeed, how could they regret the man who had im"posed on them a military yoke"who had taken their money by his 66 66 66 CC own decrees--who had robbed them "of their children by an arbitrary "conscription? The people would "not rise in favour and support of 66 a conqueror who had proved "himself an oppressor of France. "On the contrary, they would be "glad to see the Allies triumph over "him, for they must clearly see, that "when the conqueror was removed "the oppressor would be removed "also. The first powers of Europe "had now united to remove the (( 66 (6 66 oppressor, and it would be ridicu"lous to suppose that the French people would break their oaths pledged to a mild and merciful Sovereign, for the purpose of saddling "themselves with the eternal damna"tion of a military despotism.".... .That, "his" (Napoleon's) power was at present tottering to the very base." 66 66 By MR. PLUNKET, that "If we were to "tell the French people that we were "ready to negociate with Bonaparte 66 as their ruler, it would at once "destroy all the hopes that might 66 66 now fairly be entertained of the cooperation of a considerable portion "of the nation. When, however, "we saw the situation in which Bo TO CORRESPONDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 66 naparte now stood; when we saw tunes were embarked labouring By yourself, my Lord, that "The mili-" "the HALF OF FRANCE." 66 Botley, near Southampton, 7th June, 1815. ' tional Intelligencer of the 23d of April, I have received by post a single Naand NILES'S WEEKLY REGISTER, of April 1st and Sth, 1815. They were under covers, and directed to " Botley, near London." It should have been Botley, near Southampton." They were put into the post-office at Portsmouth, only 14 miles from Botley; but, having the word London upon them, they were sent on thither. I beg Mr. NILES and the person who sent me the Intelligencer, to accept of my best thanks. I am very precisely upon the model, and with the highly flattered at perceiving, that a work title of my own, should have been established in America, and carried on already to the eighth volume.-I hope Mr. NILES will continue sending me his Register. He shall have Cobbett's Register sent him as regularly as possible.-I beg my Corres66 means, we could never hope to re-pondents to look at my Notices in the two "cal them. Those of his friends who "had talked the most about husban"ding the resources of the country, "had confessed, that when an occa❝sion should arrive, when some im66 portant blow could be struck 66 against the enemy, that system "should be no longer persevered in. "That important crisis had now ar"rived. It was vain to expect that more favourable opportunity "would ever arrive. All the great 66 powers of Europe were now with 64 us, and a considerable portion of "the population of France. last Numbers. WM. COBBETT. a Hourra, hourra, Pat! Here we dash at the Jacobins, as we did at the Yunkies. VII. Of the Morality of the Subsidies. Mr. PLUNKIT said, that "We had 66 now a most powerful combination "of Allies, not fomented by us, but 66 acting from the moral feeling which 46 pervade all Europe. If we were "foolish enough to throw away those Here I close my extracts, my Lord. These are memorable passages. They will have to be reverted to many hundreds of times. Here they are safe. They will not now be lost. Here are the alleged causes and the projected effects of the war, on which we are now entering; and, having made these sure, I shall, in my future letters, request your attention to other matters. I am, &c. &c. WM. COBBETT. Botley, 7th June, 1815. MODERN FORGERIES. MR. COBBETT,-The French Government invite the distinguished English at Paris to visit the archives, for the purpose of witnessing the base falsification of documents, made with a view to support the recent political arrangements of the Congress; and that such falsifications have taken place no discerning man in Europe` can doubt. It is, however, unnecessary falsifications; a similar manoeuvre having to go to Paris to witness the fraud of such just been played off on the whole English nation, so barefacedly, that all may detect it, in an important document, lately laid officially before the House of Comyour last Register. mons, a copy of which you inserted in In the ENGLISH TRANSLATION of this document, M. de Caulaincourt, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, who may be supposed to have written under the imme diate eye of the Emperor, is made, in the official translation, to say, in speaking of Napoleon's recal to the throne of France, that "His Majesty prides himself abote 1 16 "all on the reflection, that he owes it en- expressible by the English words UNPRO- I am, Sir, your constant reader, a To THE THINKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, TION. MY FRIENDS.-It might be well for you to consider the terrific scene, which is pendant over your country, and over Europe. The moments are few, but they may yet serve for the public expression of popular opinion against a war with France, which your Regent and a large proportion of your Aristocracy has determined on. Consider how similar the occasion and commencement of this war is to that of the first one, which arose out of the French Revolution. It is the dread of the success and of the ultimate spread of that spirit, of that Revolution which has alarmed the feelings, and aroused the indignation of our trembling Aristocracy.-The expulsion of one dynasty, and the popular adoption of another; the extinction of old titles, the forfeiture of property, the dissolution of a powerful church establishment, the amelioration of the condition of the great mass of the people, who then became independent; these are too formidable objects to be viewed with complacency by those of this country, whom similar events might place in similar situations. This is the dread, this causes the panic, and this, this only, is the reason why you are to be engaged in a war, of which no man can calculate the conclusion or the consequences. To make this war palatable, to make it appear necessary for your interest, the base hirelings of every description are using every species of deception and falsehood. One hour we are told, that Bonaparte can never take the |
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