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Frenchmen. The engagements which violence had extorted from us are destroyed, by the flight of the Bourbons from our territories, by the ap. peal which they have made to foreigu armies to replace them on the Throne which they have abandoned, and by the will of the nation, who, whilst resuming the free exercise of her rights, has solemnly disavowed all that had been done without her participation. Frenchmen will not receive laws from strangers; even those traitors who are gone to solicit amongst foreigners a parricidal assistance, will soon know and experience as well as their predecessors, that contempt and infamy follow their steps, and that they can only wipe off the opprobrium with which they cover themselves, by re-entering our ranks. But a new career of glory opens itself to the army; history will consecrate the remembrance of the military deeds which will illustrate the defenders of the country, and the national honour. Our enemies are numerous, we are told; why should we care! their defeat will be the more glorious. The struggle on the eve of commencing, is neither above the genius of Napoleon, nor above our strength.--Do we not see all our departments rivalling each other in enthusiasm and devotion, form, as through the power of magic, five hundred superb battalions of National Guards, who are already come to double our ranks, defend our for tresses, and associate themselves to the glory of the army? It is the impulse of a generous people, which no Power can conquer, and which posterity will admire. To arms! The signal will soon be given: let every one be at his post. Our victorious phalanxes will derive fresh glory from

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Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed

to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1815. [Price 1s.

737]

TO LORD GRENVILLE, On the Constitutions of England, America, and France.

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leon, either in his constitution or his code, began a new. He did little more than arrange, classify, reduce to order, and provide for enforcing the laws, under whatever name, passed by the different assemMY LORD-In the published report of blies; and this was the code, which the your speech of the 24th of last month, Bourbons promised to adhere to and supon the subject of the war against France, port. So that the constitution of France, we read the following passage: "As to as it now stands, has been the work of 26 new constitutions, he (Lord G.) was firm-years, not only of study, but of experi"ly of opinion, that a good constitution, ence. It is very curious to hear so many "could only be formed by the adoption "of remedies, from time to time, under "the circumstances which required them. "The only instance of exception men"tioned was that of America; but, that "did not apply. The founders of that "constitution acted with great wisdom.blance between the English and American "It was framed so as to produce as little change as possible in the existing laws "and manners under the altered form of government, which, though a Republic, was constructed as nearly as the difference would admit, on the MONARCH"ICAL form of OUR OWN CONSTI"TUTION."

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This passage, my Lord, owing, I dare say, to the want of accuracy in the Reporter, is not so clear, or so correct, as one might have.wished; but, its meaning evidently is, that constitutions of government cannot be well formed all at once; that the American constitution of government bears a very near resemblance to our own; and (taking in the context), that the constitution of government now adopting, or settling, in France, is a bad constitution, or system.

As to the first of these propositions: that a constitution cannot be well made all at once, it is of little consequence as to the object which I have in view; for, the French have been more than 25 years forming their constitution; and, however mortifying it may be to some people, the laws of France, even while the Bourbons were on the throne, last year, were, for the far greater part, laws passed by the different National Assemblies, or, as some would call them, the jacobins. It is a very great mistake to suppose, that Napo.

persons abusing, or ridiculing, the French constitution, and, in almost the same breath, saying, that it is no more than what the people had under Louis XVIII. This looks a little like insincerity.

It is, however, the alledged resem

governments which is the most interesting
object of examination at present; though
it will, before I conclude, be necessary
to see a little what resemblance that of
France bears to each of the former govern-
ments.
I take your Lordship to mean,
of course, that there is a very near resem-
blance between the English and American
governments as they really are in opera-
tion. Not as they are to be found in

books written about constitutions. What

Montesquieu and De L'homme and Blackstone and Paley and a long list of grave political romance writers have published upon the subject, we will leave wholly out of the question. Your Lordship was talking, and so will I talk, of things. AS THEY ARE, and not as they ought to be; or as they are, from parrot-like habit, said to be. And, here, my Lord, I beg leave, once for all, to state, that I am offering no opinions of my own upon this subject. Your Lordship, according to the published report, says, that there is a near resemblance between the English and American goveruments. This fact I deny; but, that is all. I do not say that the American government is better than ours; nor do I say, that it is worse. I only say, that it does not resemble ours. Which is the best and which is the worst I leave to the decision of the reader, in whatever country he may live,

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even though that other were her sister; nay, her daughter? If an individual make a valuable discovery, so far is he from communicating it to the world, that

But, before I enter on my proofs of the negative of this your Lordships proposition, permit that I observe, for a moment, on the desire, which is so often discovered in this country, to induce other na-he, if he can, obtains a patent for it, and tions to adopt governments like our own. thereby the right of punishing whoever atNo sooner do we hear of a change of go- tempts even to imitate his wares. What, vernment in any country, than we begin then, can be the cause of our anxiety to urging the people of such country to adopt make other nations partakers in the blessa government like ours. The newspaper ings of our government? We take spepeople, the Walters and Perrys and the cial care to keep from them all we can in like are everlasting telling the French, the way of commerce. We have a law for that they ought to come as nearly as pos- the encouragement of our own navigation sible to our admirable mixed government. to the discouragement of that of all other Those cunning icons, the Edinburgh Re- countries. We have laws to prevent the carviewers, chaunt the same litinies in every rying to other countries machines to facilisucceeding number. They despair of the tate the making of manufactures. We have French, because they reject our excellent laws to prohibit the carrying of the produce model of government; and they predict, of our colonies to other countries, until it that the American system cannot endure has been brought here. We have laws to long, because it has none of those bodies prevent the exportation of live sheep lest of Nobles, or large proprietors, who are other countries should get our breeds. We the best guardians of the peoples rights, have laws to punish artizans and manufac standing as the latter do between the turers, who attempt to leave this country, people and the Prince! This was their and also to punish the masters of the talk, indeed, before your Lordship and vessels in which they are attempting to other great Noblemen joined the Minis- escape; the avowed object of which laws is ters, in support of the war. What these to prevent other countries from arriving place-hunting critics will say now is a at our state of perfection in manufactures great deal more than I am able to guess, and arts. How is it, then, my Lord, that Thus, too, it was that Burke ranted and we are so generous as to our political posraved. The French, according to him, sessions? Generous, did I say? Nay, ought to have been half put to death, be- obtrusive and impertinent. We are not cause they despised the "admirable" only tendering them with both hands at mixed government of England. How he once; but, we really thrust them upon the ran on, what bombastical balderdash he world; and, if any nation be so rasopublished upon this subject, your Lord-lutely delicate as to refuse to receive them, ship knows as well as I; and you, doubt- let that nation look to itself! “Will you less, remember, that, when answered by give me a penny?" said Dilworth's Paine, instead of attempting to reply, he Beggar to the Priest. "No." "Will pointed out the work of his antagonist to you, for the love of Christ, give me a be replied to by the Attorney General!" halfpenny, then, to keep me from starv Now, my Lord, what can be the real ing "No." "Will you, then, give cause of all this anxiety to get other" me one farthing?" "No." "Pray, nations to adopt our own sort of go"then since I must die with hunger, give vernment? It is not the usual practice me your blessing, Reverend Father." of the world to be so eager to induce Kneel down, my dear son, and receive others to share in one's happiness. If a" it." "No," said the Beggar, "for if man, by any accident, finds a parcel of it were worth but one single farthing money in a field, or a wood, does he run you would not give it me; so you may away to bring his neighbours, or even "c'en keep your blessing to yourself." his cousins, or brothers, to enter into a But, we greatly surpass the Priest: for search with him? Did we ever hear while we withhold commerce, navigation, of a tradesman, who had a set of good manufactures, arts, artizans, manufaccustomers, endeavour to introduce per-turers, breed of animals, &c. &c. we not sons of the same trade to them? Did ever handsome woman try to make any other woman look as handsome as horsel

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only offer our blessing, but we abuse those who reject it; and, there are those amongst us who scruple not to say, that,,

the nation, which has the insolence to refuse to share in our political happiness, ought to feel the force of our arms. To what, then, shall I fairly ascribe this desire to induce other nations to adopt our sort of government? It is notorious, that men seek for companions in misery and disgrace. Never was there a bankrupt who did not wish to make his appearance in a copious Gazette. The coward looks bold when he has fled amongst a crowd. The country girls, who anticipate the connubial tie, always observe, and very truly, that they are not the first and shall not be the last. It is said, that persons, infected with the plague, feel a pleasure in communicating it to others. To ascribe to a motive like any of these, our desire to extend our sort of government to other nations would be shocking indeed. Yet, lest we should expose ourselves to the imputation, I think it would be best for us to be silent upon the subject; or, at least, where nations decline to adopt our system, to refrain from expressing any resentment against them on that account.

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John Bull's may be the best government in the whole world; it may be very laudable in him, very disinterested, very mane, extraordinarily generous, to urge other nations to partake in his blessings. He may lament the blindness, or the obstinacy, or the perverseness, of the nations, who refuse to accept of his offer. But, why should he be angry with them? Why should he be in a rage with them? Why should he quarrel with them on that account?

We will now, if your Lordship pleases, come to the resemblance between the English and the American Governments. They are both called governments, to be sure; and so are kites and pheasants called birds; but, assuredly, though I pretend not to say which is the best, or which is the worst, they resemble each other no more than do these two descriptions of the feathered race. To substantiate this assertion, I shall take the material points, in the two cases, and state them in opposite columns, that the contrast may, at once, strike every eye.

ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

A KING, having the sovereign power settled on his family by hereditary descent. His heir may be an old man or woman, a boy or a girl.

The King's Civil List amounts to more than four millions of Dollars annually, or 1,000,000 of pounds sterling, besides the allowances to the Royal Children, Queen. &c. &c. amounting to nearly £400,000

more.

The King, without the consent of any part of the Legislature, makes treaties, and even treaties of subsidy, agreeing to pay money to foreign powers. He appoints ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges, and all other officers whatever. The King can do no wrong. His person is sacred and inviolable.

The King can declare war, and make peace, without any body's consent.

AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.

The Chief Magistrate is a PRESIDENT, freely elected by the People every four years, and he must be 35 years of age.

The President receives a compensation for his services, which cannot be augmented during his presidency; and this compensation is 25,000 dollars, or 6,000 pounds sterling.

The President, with the consent of the Senate, who are elected by the people, can make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators concur. With the same consent he appoints ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges, &c.

The President may be impeached, and when he is tried in Senate the Chief Justice is to preside. He can only be dismissed and disqualified by the Senate; but, besides that he may be afterwards for the same offence, indicted, tried, judged, and punished, according to law, like any other criminal.

The President cannot declare war. Nor can he and the Senate together do this. It is done by the Congress; and

ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

The King grants pensions to whom he chooses, under 6,000 dollars a year. He has more than 100,000 pounds a year placed at his disposal for secret services, of which no particular account is ever rendered even to the parliament.

The HOUSE OF PEERS hold their scats by hereditary right; but the King may make new peers whenever he chooses. They may be old or young; present or absent; abroad or at home.

The HOUSE OF COMMONS consists of County Members and City and Borough Members. Be the county great or small it sends 2 Members; and, as to the cities and boroughs, London and Westminster, which contain about 800,000 persons, send 6 Members, while Old Sarum, Gatton, and many other places, containing not a hundred persons each, send each 2 Members. The Members are elected for seven years.

The qualification for County Members £600 a year in land; and £300 a year in land for borough-members.

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AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.

is an Act, passed by the representatives of the people.

The President can give no pension, nor, even with the consent of the Senate, make any grant whatever of the public money, not even to the amount of a dollar. Every thing of this sort is done by the Congress, comprising the whole of the representatives of the people.

The SENATE consists of two Members from each of the States in the Union. They are elected by the State Legislatures, who have been elected by the people. They serve for four years. The Constitution positively forbids the granting of any title of nobility. Every Senator is to be not under thirty years of age when elected, and is to be a resident in the State for which he is elected.

The HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES consists of Members from the several States, in number proportioned to the population of the States, according to actual enumeration. They are elect ed for two years.

The qualifications for members is merely that of having attained the age of 25 years, and having been 7 years a citizen of the United States.

As to the qualification of voters, it is simply that of having paid taxes, and being in a state to be called on for taxes. There are, in the different states, slight differences in the regulations as to voting; but, generally, and substantially, the paying of taxes, small or great in amount, gives a right to vote. Of course, as the President, Senate, and Representatives, are all chosen from this source, they are all really the representatives of the people. It is manifestly a government carried on by the people, through their dele gates.

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"That 71 Peers nominate.. 88 influence.. 75

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