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very true, that the British and Prussian | against France ever since she declared for armies are now considerably advanced independence. What sort of ideas of into France; but it is equally true, that freedom can this child form, under the the enemies of France possessed the same tutelage of a daughter of the House of advantages in 1792, and yet were obliged | Austria?-Where are the hylacon days, "The enemy is at the gates which Frenchmen had a right to look for "of Paris. Verdun, which lies in his under a free representative government, way, cannot hold out longer than eight when such prospects as these seem to open days." This was the state of affairs at before them? The contemplation is that period, "but the citizens who de- gloomy indeed. Still, I am free to ac"fend it (Verdun) have sworn that they knowledge, that I would rather prefer the "will perish rather than surrender it." reign of Napoleon the Ild, with all its They were faithful to their oaths, and disadvantages, to that of the Bourbons, the invaders were driven back.-The only The former has the semblance, at least, doubt remaining in my mind is, that the of being the choice of the nation. The people of France are not so ardent in latter has been twice expelled, and if he the cause of freedom as they were in is again restored, it must be by the sword, 1792. So much has been done to fami- a mode of erecting a government at all liarize them with royalty, to impress times hostile to the legitimate rights of the their minds with the importance of a people, and subversive of the true princonstitutional monarchy, and to fascinate ciples of liberty. them with the vain and gaudy trappings of an Imperial dynasty, that if they again revert to the reign of despotism aud priestcraft, they will only have themselves BRITISH POLITICAL OBJECTS. to blame for the melancholy change. Napoleon has always possessed a great MR.COBBETT.-The policy of the Brishare of my esteem and respect. But I tish government, as well with respect to its never could forget the violence he offered own domestic interests, as to those of to liberty, when he seized upon the go- foreign relations, should be to nurture, to vernment, under the name of "First extend, and to establish the cause of ra Consul." It was the first step towards ex- tional liberty. What has given to the tinguishing public spirit. What followed British realms the transcendant authority, served only to benumb the faculties, and and the vast political resources they posto prepare France for the re-establishmentsess, but the popular and liberal instituof that system, which it had cost her so tions of the legislature by which they are many years of suffering to get rid of.-governed. If reference be had to the best Why did not Napoleon, at once, renounce periods of the Assyrian, the Egyptian, the the imperial dignity, and return to those | Grecian, and the Roman governments, it principles which were the cause of his early good fortune, and which procured him more real and substantial glory than he ever derived from the imperial bauble? Had he done this, France would have been saved; had he resumed the endearing name and title of "General Bonaparte, Commander of the armies of the Republic," he would, indeed, have deserved well of his country; he would have drawn all parties around him. The very sound would have appalled the tyrants of the earth, and little more would have been necessary to ensure the triumph of liberty. But, no-he abdicates only in favour of his son, whom he desires to be proclaimed by the regal title of Napoleon I!!—Alas! this very son is a branch of that house which has taken the most decided part
will be found that the high renown and distinction of these several states, arose from the liberty enjoyed by the people, by the recognition of inherent civic rights, and by the mutual confidence that subsisted between the governing and the governed. The moment that intrigue, and despotic artifice reared their baneful sceptre, and gained the ascendancy of public virtue, all the political advantages of those wise institutions were practically lost, and delapidation and ruin marked the fatal effects of such deplorable aberration from sound policy. "Evil communications corrupt good mannerrs," is a maxim that has the sanction of holy writ, and if it were not there recorded, it is incessantly proving in the individual and national intercourse of men. It is undoubtedly
the policy and interest of governments simi- | political security of that country, be dimi larly constituted, to co-operate in each nished and endangered. Where unreothers plans of procedure, and not to at- strained despotism exists, rational liberty tempt the solecism of reconciling in prac- can have no secure abode. Overtly or tice what is radically and irreconciliably covertly, the machinations of tyranny áre different in principle. Agreeably to this incessantly directed against popular freerule of policy, the British government dom, inasmuch as the one is totally inshould be anxious to conciliate the good compatible with the other. As liberty opinion, and prefer the alliance of kin- and tyranny, therefore, cannot co-exist, dred forms of legislature, if any such how is it that they can be associated in there are, and not for purposes of tempo- alliance for any vindicable object? Tyrary power, or for objects unworthy of an ranny never lends its aid to liberty, and independent nation, enter into any poli- liberty disdains to assist the cause of tical compacts with powers that have no- tyranny. All alliance, then, obtaining thing in them at all congenerous; nay, between such opposite systems, is not that found their schemes of authority, and less reprehensible in principle than strength on principles of tyranny, at utter sooner or later, ruinous in practice. It variance with British liberty. Is it pos- is very natural and perhaps even comsible that any benefit can accrue to real mendable, agreeably to the existing sys➡ British interests, by cultivating friendly tem, for Russia to seek the aid of alliance and confidental relations with States that from all the European states founded on a have not the slightest affinity with the similar scheme of government, but with constitutional liberty of Great Britain? what consistency can that, and other In what points of sound policy can nations, kindred states, ask co-operation from the governed by principles of liberty and British nation, knowing that their systems slavery, faithfully concur? If mutual sin- of government are so widely different? cerity exists in their engagements, must What is there in common between the they not make mutual sacrifices of their Russian and German governments, and respective systems for the benefit of these that of Great Britain. The two former engagements; and if that be the case, how are founded on the sole will of the peris the cause of liberty furthered by the sonal sovereign, excluding from all conalliance, and what practical benefit is sideration the political rights of the likely to result to the enslaved nation, who people; the latter constitutionally rests sees that professions of liberty are not so on a strict representative system, in unbending but they may be made to ac- which the people are acknowledged to cord with the habitual objects of avowed be every thing, and that without them despotism? The intercourse is unnatural there can be nothing. What interests, and necessarily tends mutually to vitiate legitimately or consistently associated, and injure the contracting parties, without can the government of Great Britain a chance of advancing the political virtue seek in conjunction with its present allies, of either. In this view of the hurtful dis-in waging hostilities against France. The cordancy, that must arise in the alliance of governments essentially differing in political principles, and practice, is it not an anxious consideration for Britons to ascertain what possible good can result to the British nation, by pledging its blood and treasure for objects that might countenance and protect despotic governments, but cannot possibly benefit a liberal and popular system of legislation? In the exact proportion in which the despotic allies of Great Britain have their territorial possessions, and political powers encreased by any compact into which they may enter with the government of this country, must the real interests, and even
French have proclaimed, and are now secking the establishment of national liberty and independence. These privileges have been bottomed on a representative system of government, comprehending, with but a few exceptions, the most important advantages of a free and an enlightened form of legislation. Its ground work is not dissimilar to that of the English Constitution. Does not this circumstance, as well as its generic character of civil li berty, naturally assort it with British views, and should it not as naturally secure it British amity and protection? Is not the prosperity of French liberty favourable to all that is excellent in the con,
Where are the respective authority and dependence existing, which would warrant the representative office of the House of Commons in saying, that the representative possesses a power to which the represented are so subjected that they cannot be either relieved, or discharged from its obligations, but by the sort of favour that may be shewn to humility of petitioning or praying. Does either the principle or practice of social liberty recognise a feelling so abject, so mendicating, as that which would rather crouchingly supplicate, than sternly demand an unquestion
stitutional charter of Great Britain; and would not the destruction of the one endanger the safety of the other? Is it possible to oppose that the genuine spirit of the British constitution can be embattled against France, in opposition to her establishing a similar form of government? Were the British people truly represented in Parliament, as prescribed by the constitutional law of the land, would it be possible to sanction a war against French liberty and independence by legislative provisions for its support? Frenca liberty is only dangerous to despotic states; its tendency should awaken no apprehen-able right? There cannot be two opinions sion in the British government; it will be more likely to justify and confirm the constitutional excellencies of that government, than at all to invade or undermine them. Great Britain and America should be earnest in their devotion to the ameliorated state of French government; they should regard it as another important link in the chain of power, that promises ultimately to extend and establish the influence of political liberty over the habitable world. The prejudices, habits, and ignorance of national slavery must gradually give way to an enlightening system of education, before the example of legislative liberty, constitutionally provided for in England, America, and France, can become as universal as it is necessary to the wants and happiness of mankind.
A TRUE BRITON.
with regard to the superior power of the
ON THE TERM PETITION. MR. COBBETT.-The admirable observations, recently made in his place in the House of Commons, by Sir Francis Burdett, in the memorable instance of presenting the Westminster Petition against the present war, are well adapted to enlighten the British people in the genuine political quality of a constitutional petition. It is quite clear, what, in the framing of that privilege, must have been designed by it; but the choice of the term for claiming that right is not correctly significant of its real import. To petition, literally means, to pray, to supplicate, to beg. How is this servile cringing attitude of spirit consistent with the moral power and freedom of requiring, of demanding, of insisting, on an indefeasible right?pancy with which they are either, in the
first instance rejected, or, if received, finally everlooked and forgotten, are among the worst effects of a degenerated system of British representation. When the people know their true political rights, and dignities, and confer them only where they will be faithfully administered for their true benefit, it will then be understood that the style of communicating with the legislature will not be in terms so debased as to assume the character of
SPAIN, PORTUGAL, BAVARIA, WUR-
The following, as appears from the French official accounts, was the result of the battle of the 16th inst. to which
they have given the name of the "Battle of Ligny-Under-Fleureus."
At half past nine o'clock we had 40 pieces of cannon, several carriages, colours, and prisoners, and the enemy sought safety in a precipitate retreat. At 10 o'clock the battle was finished, and we found ourselves masters of all the field of battle. General Lutzow, a partisan, was taken prisoner. The prisoners assure us, that Field-Marshal Blucher was wounded. The flower of the Prussian army was destroyed in this battle. Its toss could not be less than 15,000 men.
either a petition, a prayer, or a supplication, but as a demand or remonstrance, according to the circumstances of redress or correction sought to be obtained. The word petition ought, therefore, to be expunged from the legislative vocabulary, it should have no meaning in national politics. What may be justly required by a British people, should be constitutionably demanded, whether it be in the way of instruction, for the amelioration of the State, or in that of remonstrance, for the correction of alledged abuses of delegated authority. The right of the British pub-was 3000 killed and wounded. On the left, lic to demand of the legislature redress Marshal Ney had marched on Quatre Bras with of wrongs, or to remonstrate with it a division, which cut in pieces au English diviagainst any affirmed inaccuracies of con- sion which was stationed there; but being atduct, cannot be denied.-If either the tacked by the Prince of Orange with 25,000 demand or remembrance should be well men, partly English, partly Hanoverians in the founded, it will be entitled to the fullest pay of England, he retired upon his position at acquiescence on the part of the legisla- Frasnes. There a multiplicity of combats took ture; if it should be imaginary and er- place; the enemy obstinately endeavoured to roneous, it still deserves to be treated force it, but in vain. The Duke of Elchingen with all the respect due from the delegated waited for the 1st corps, which did not arrive to the delegating authority, and in no till night; he confined himself to maintaining his case to be contumaciously rejected as position. In a square, attacked by the 8th regiunworthy of notice. The right of the ment of curassiers, the colours of the 69th regipeople constitutionally, that is peacefully, ment of English infantry fell into our hands. to call on the Government to do justice The Duke of Brunswick was killed. The Prince to the public, when it may suppose itself of Orange has been wounded. We are assured unjustly treated, is one of the most vital that the enemy had many personages and Gene. privileges of the liberty of the land, and, rals of note killed or wounded; we estimate the to be consistent with its own independ-loss of the English at from 4 or 5000 men; our's ence and dignity, should be always deolared in language of resolute firmness and of determined authority.
HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE WAR OF
on this side was very considerable, it amounts to 4,200 killed or wounded. The combat ended with the approach of night. Lord Wellington then evacuated Quatre Bras, and proceeded to Genappe. In the morning of the 17th, the Emperor repaired to Quatre Bras, whence he march ed to attack the English army: he drove it to the entrance of the forest of Soignes with the left wing and the reserve. The right wing advanced by Sombref, in pursuit of Field Marshal Blucher, who was going towards Wavre, where he wished to take a position. At 10 o'clock in
the evening, the English army occupied Mount St. Jean with its centre, and was in position before the forest of Soigne ; it would have required three hours to attack it, we were therefore obliged to postpones it till the next day. The head-quarters of the Emperor were established at the farm of Caillon, near Plauchenort. The rain fell ip torrents. Thus on the 16th, the left wing, the right, and the reserve, were equally engaged, at a distance of about two leagues.
BATTLE OF MOUNT ST. JEAN.--At 9 in the morning the rain having somewhat abated, the 1st corps put itself in motion, and placed itself with the left on the road to Brussels, and opposite the village of Mount St. Jean, which appeared the centre of the enemy's position. The second corps leant its right upon the road to Brussels, and its left upon a small wood within cannon shot of the English army. The cuirassiers were in reserve brand, and the guards in reserve upon the heights, The sixth corps, with the cavalry of General d'Aumont, under the order of Count Lo sau, was destined to proceed in rear of our right, to oppose a Prussian corps, which appeared to have escaped Marshal Grouchy, and to intend to fall upon our right flauk, an intention which had been made known to us by our reports, and by the letter of a Prussian General, inclosing an order of battle, and which was taken by our light troops. The troops were full of ardour. We estimated the force of the English army at 80,000 men. We supposed that the Prussian corps which might be in line towards the right might be 15,000 men. The enemy's force they was upwards of 90,000 men. Our's less nunerous.
At noon, all the preparations being einated, Prince Jerome, commanding a di vision of the second corps, and destined to form the extreme left of it, advanced upon the wood of which the enemy occupied a part. The can. ponade began. The enemy supported with 30 pieces of cannon the troops he had sent to keep the wood. We made also on our side dispositions of artillery. At one o'clock Prince Jerome was amaster of all the wood, and the whole English army fell back behind a curtain, Count d'Erlon then attacked the village of Mount St. Jean, and supported his attack with 80 pieces of cannon,
which must have occasioned great loss to the English army. All the efforts were made towards the ridge. A brigade of the first division of Count d'Erion took the village of Mount St. Jean; a second brigade was charged by a corps of English cavalry, which occasioned it much loss. At the same moment a division of English its right, and disorganised several pieces; but
the cuirassiers of General Milband charged that division, three regiments of which were broken and cut up. It was three in the afternoon. The Emperor made the guard advance to place it in the plain upon the ground which the first corps had occupied at the outset of the battle this corps being already in advance. The Prussian division, whose movement had been foreseen, then engaged with the light troops of Count Lobau, spreading its fire upon our whole right flank. It was expedient, before undertaking any thing elsewhere, to wait for the event of this attack. Hence, all the means in reserve were cavalry charged the battery of Count d'Erion by ready to succour Count Lobau, and overwhelm the Prussian corps when it should be advanced. This done, the Emperor had the design of leading an attack upon the village of Mount St. Jean, from which we expected decisive success; but by a movement of impatience, so frequent in our military annals, and which has often been so fatal to us, the cavalry of reserve having perceived a retrograde movement made by the English to shelter themselves from our batteries, from which they had suffered so much, crowned the heights of Mount St. Jean, and charged the infantry. This movement, which, made in time, and supported by the reserves, must have decided the day, made in an isolated manner, and before affairs on the right were terminated, became fa tal. Having no means of countermanding it, the enemy shewing many masses of cavalry and infantry, and our two divisions of cuirassiers being engaged, all our cavalry, ran at the same moment to support their comrades. There, for three hours, numerous charges were made, which enabled us to penetrate several squares, and to take six standards of the light infantry, an advantage ont of proportion with the loss which our cavalry experienced by the grape shot and musket firing. It was impossible to dispose of our reserves of infantry until we had repulsed the flank attack of the Prussian corps. This attack always prolonged itself perpendicularly upon our right flank. The Emperor sent thither General Duhesme with the young guard, and several batteries of reserve. The enemy was kept in check, repulsed, and fell back-he had exhausted his forces, and we had nothing more to tear. It
was this moment that was indicated for an al tack upon the centre of the enemy. As the cuirassiers suffered by the grape-shot, we sent four battalions of the middle guard to protect the cuirassiers, keep the position, and, if possible disengage, and draw back into the plain a part of our cavalry. Two other battalions were sent to keep themselves en potence upon the extreme