part of the negotiations of Paris and Florence; to intimate that the General was entrusted with the negotiation; and that neither the Commissioners nor the Directory had anything to do with it, but the General alone. These overtures produced a good effect. To make a greater impression, the General went to Ferrara, alighted at the house of the Cardinal Mattei, archbishop of the city, and had several conferences with him; he convinced him of his good intentions, and got him to set off for Rome, to carry words of peace directly to the Pope. A few days after, the battle of Arcole put an end to all the hopes which had been raised in Italy by Alvinzi's army. In a few days Napoleon re-passed the Po, and proceeded to Verona. The battle of Rivoli destroyed forever the hopes of the enemies of France. Mantua opened its gates. A small Gallo-Italian army marched on the Appenines. All disputes with Rome were settled by the Treaty of Tolentino.

The Directory sent instructions to General Clark to sign a treaty, on condition, &c. These were not approved by Napoleon, who thought that the Republic had a right to regain the limits of the Rhine, and a state in Italy, &c. Three months after, Napoleon signed preliminaries, on condition of the limits of the Rhine, with the fortress of Mentz, and the existence of democratic republics in Italy-communicating with Switzerland-barring all Italy from north to south-from the Alps to the Po-surrounding Sardinia, and covering middle and lower Italy. In case of necessity, the French armies, debouching by Geneva, Parma, Modena and Bologna, would at once reach the Piave, after turning the Mincio, Mantua and the Adige. This would secure the kingdom of Sardinia and the states of the Church, and Tuscany, and the kingdom of Naples.

The French army resolved to pass the Julian Alps, and to march on Vienna. Such is the contrast between the genius of Napoleon, and the Directory and Clark combined. Such will always be the contrast between a skilful commander-in-chief, and cabinets and civil commissioners

The battle of Tagliamento, of Tarwis, of Geritz, and the entrance of the Italian army into Klagenfurth and Layback, astounded Vienna. The armies of the Rhine and the Moselle, and the Sambre and Meuse, were to have opened the campaign, and passed the Rhine on the same day that Bonaparte passed the Piave, and were to advance into Germany. The government, on the 23d of March, wrote to the General, complimenting him-stating why the armies of the Rhine had not taken the field, and assuring him that they would march without delay. But three days after, the Ministers wrote that Moreau's army could not effect the passage of the Rhine for want of boats, and that the army of Italy must rely upon itself alone. Was the Directory fearful that these armies, if united under one General, would make him too powerful? Napoleon, thus fettered, and not having sufficient cavalry to descend into the plain of the Danube, thought he might advance to the summit of the Simmering, and use his position to conclude a peace. He wrote to Prince Charles as follows:-"Whilst brave troops carry on war they wish for peace.

Have we not killed men enough, and inflicted sufficient misery on the human race? Humanity calls loudly upon us. Europe has laid down the arms she took up against the French Republic. Your nation alone remains; yet blood is to flow more copiously than ever. Fatal omens attend the opening of this campaign. Whatever be its issue, we shall all kill some thousands of men on both sides; and after all we must come to an understanding, since all things have an end, not excepting vindictive passions. You, General, whose birth places you so near the throne, and above those petty passions which often actuate ministers and governments, are you disposed to merit the title of benefactor to the whole human race, and the Saviour of Germany? Do not imagine, sir, that I mean to deny that it may be possible to save Germany by force of arms; but even supposing the chances of war should become favorable to you, the country would nevertheless be ravaged. For my part, General, if the overture I have the honor to make to you should only save the life of a single man, I should feel more proud of the civic crown I should think I had thereby merited, than of all the mournful glory that the most distinguished military success could afford."

Prince Charles replied: "Most certainly, General, whilst I carry on war in obedience to the call of honor and duty, I am as desirous as you are of peace, for the sake of the people and humanity." The Prince declined, fearing to assume the responsibility, and concludes : "But whatever may be the future chances of war, or the hopes of peace, I beg you to be convinced, General, of my esteem and peculiar consideration.” In order to support this overture, the French general marched forward to approach Vienna. After the battle of Unzmarkt, the army met with no other resistance, and its van reached Leoben. Lieutenant-General Bellegarde, and Major-General Merfield, presented themselves before the French general with a flag of truce, and desired an armistice for ten days. The French general replied, "that a suspension of arms in the military position of the armies, is wholly prejudicial to the French; but if it is to prove a step towards peace, he would consent to their wishes." The armistice was to expire in five days, but it was prolonged to seven days longer-a measure important to the French. General Clark, with full powers, was at Turin As it required time for him to reach head-quarters, Napoleon took the responsibility (as on many other occasions) and signed the treaty with Merfield and Gallo, The limits of the Rhine were granted to France. The Oglio was to limit the Austrians. The French armies gained the Cisalpine Republics of Lombardy, Modena, &c., and Venice, and could communicate from Milan to Venice by the right bank of the Po, and debouche on the Piave, and disregard the lines of the Mincio, the Adige, and Mantua. Napoleon might have entered Vienna, but this would have produced no good effect, as he could hardly maintain himself there, the armies of the Rhine being unable to take the field. The Councils and Directory were at variance; there was difference among the directors themselves, and Moreau wanted money to organize his pontons. The directory had authorized General Clark to

sign much less advantageous terms. Napoleon, therefore, signed the preliminaries.

Hoche commanded the army of the Sambre and Meuse, and crossed the Rhine at the bridge Neuwied, attacked Kray, and compelled him to fall back on the Maine. Hoche arriving before Frankfort, hears, through the Austrians, of the treaty of Leoben-assumes Friedburg for head-quarters, and occupies the Nedda and Wetzlan. Moreau was at Paris soliciting pontons; but Desaix, who commanded ad interim, finding that Hoche was engaged, crosses at Kilstett; Moreau comes up; the Austrians are beaten, and the General halts, hearing of Leoben. Hostilities did not commence on the Rhine until eight hours after the treaty of Leoben had been signed, and Napoleon received the intelligence seven days after. Why was not the campaign commenced sooner, and why had the Directory written that the co-operation of the armies of the Rhine was not to be reckoned upon?" But (says Napoleon) the affairs of the war were conducted without energy or talent, (meaning the civil part of the affair,) and the administration was corrupt, and never produced any satisfactory result."

Hoche was young, full of talent, bravery and ambition, had a superb army of 80,000 men under his command, and burned to imitate the deeds of the army of Italy. The army of Moreau was large, and well composed. Desaix would have done better, as he loved glory for glory's sake, and France above everything. He was unsophisticated, active, of a pleasing character, and of extensive information, and had perfectly studied the theatre of war upon the Rhine. Besides, he was attached to General Bonaparte, and was not eaten up by the jealously which devoured Moreau. Bonaparte had but 43,000 men, and 120 pieces of cannon. What could the Directory design by keeping these armies asunder, and leaving Bonaparte to operate singly? The General of Italy charged that ministry with corruption and imbecility, as the best and only answer!

Let us now advance to the peace of Campo Formio. The real object of General Clark's mission was not to open a negotiation, but to act as secret agent of the Directory at head quarters, and to watch the General, whose victories began to give umbrage. Clark's genius was not military; he was an official man, exact and upright in business, and a great enemy of knaves. Napoleon was glad that the government employed a man who was known, rather than subaltern agents, who pick up the most absurd information in ante-chambers and taverns. Napoleon employed Clark in several negotiations with Sardinia, and the princes of Italy. After Fructidor, he defended him warmly, not only because he had gained his esteem in a delicate mission, but because it became him to grant protection to a man who had been in daily communication with him, and of whom he had no ostensible cause to complain. Conferences began at Udine. General Clark alone attended on the part of France. Napoleon declared he would not attend unless the Austrian ambassadors were sincerely desirous of peace. Napoleon went to Montebello and Milan. Clark being recalled, Napoleon was now the only commis

sioner on the part of France. Count Cobentzel and three other commissioners represented Austria. The moment the Austrian negotiators were convinced that they could only obtain peace by adhering to the terms proposed at Montebello, the treaty could have been signed, had not the Directory changed its policy. Since the affair of the 18th Fructidor they thought they might require from the nation new sacrifices.

They contrived intimations to Napoleon, calculated to induce him to break off the negotiations and recommence hostilities, whilst the official correspondence was still dictated in a spirit of peace. It was evident they wished for war, but were anxious that the responsibility of the rupture should rest entirely with the negotiator. When they perceived that this plan did not succeed, and when they believed their own power was established, they sent their ultimatum. Napoleon had fixed ideas respecting the degree of obedience which he owed to his government. With respect to military operations, he thought it his duty to execute his orders so long as they seemed reasonable and likely to succeed. His ideas respecting the degree of obedience due from him as plenipotentiary, were not so well settled. Could he renounce his mission in the midst of a negotiation, or thus hazard its results, by executing instructions which he did not approve, and which would result in war? But his principal character at Passeriano was that of general-in-chief. He resolved to sign the peace on the terms settled at Montebello, which, before the 18th Fructidor had been approred by the Directory. Count Cobentzel required, he said, "the Adda as a boundary, or nothing." Austria yielding Belgium and Lombardy, Mentz, four departments of the Rhine, Savoy and Nice. They therefore insisted on the Thalweg of the Adda. They were forced to reduce their claims to the line of the Mincio. This, said Count Cobentzel, is our ultimatum. The conferences were held within hearing of the drums. Count Cobentzel remained immoveable; his carriages were got ready, and he announced his departure. He said that the French negotiator would be responsible for all the blood that would be shed in this new contest. Upon this, Napoleon, with great coolness, although much irritated by this attack, arose, and took from a mantel piece, a little porcelain vase, which the Count prized as a present from the Empress Catharine, "Well, (said Napoleon,) the truce then is at an end, and war is declared; but, remember, that before the end of autumn, I will shatter your monarchy as I shatter this porcelain." Saying this, he dashed it furiously down, and the carpet was covered with its fragments. He then saluted the Congress, and retired. The Austrians were struck dumb. A few minutes afterwards they found, as Napoleon got into his carriage, he had despatched an othcer to the Archduke Charles, to inform him that the negotiation was broken off, and that hostilities would re-commence in twenty-four hours. Count Cobentzel, greatly alarmed, sent the Marquis de Gallo to Napoleon, with a signed declaration, that he consented to the terms of the French General. The treaty was dated at Campo Formio, a small village, which had been neutralized for this purpose by the

Secretaries of Legation, but signed at Napoleon's head-quarters, at Passeriano.

I doubt if Clark, or any one else, could have exhibited more firmness or diplomacy than the commander-in-chief of the army of Italy. I doubt if Mr. Trist, or any one else, could have made as good a treaty, or as promptly, as the general-in-chief of the army of Mexico, looking to "indemnity for the past, and security for the future."

If I have not said enough to fortify my original position, I have not leisure to say more. But, perhaps, this essay, if studied in the right spirit, will prove pregnant enough.

Hereafter, if subjects of this sort are not unsuited to a magazine, which hangs up King Commerce for its motto, you may hear again about boundaries, &c., from your correspondent,

H.

Art. V. THE BRITISH COLONIAL EMPIRE.

THE following graphic sketch of the British Colonial Empire, on which, it has been well said, the sun never sets, we extract from the first number of that able London publication, the Colonial Magazine, which we have often commended to our readers. This sketch will be followed up, at an early day, with another by ourselves, showing the extent of the trade, population, area, etc., of all these provinces, and their importance to the mother country.

We will start with BRITISH INDIA. With that Hindostan will we begin, which, out of a population of one hundred and forty millions of human beings, has ninety millions subjects of Great Britain, forty millions of the subjects of allies, protected however by the British Government, and greatly dependent upon British support, and with but ten millions of subjects of independent states.

Where the Jumna and the Ganges, two rivers destined to give grandeur and fertility to the plains of Hindostan, burst from beneath the eternal snows which no mortal foot hath yet trodden, still in the most elevated recesses of the mountains, Britain has her empire, and the soil is her own. In that India which was one of the earliest seats of civilization, laws, the arts, and of all the improvements of social life, there are we now omnipotent. In that India which is an epitome of the whole earth, extending from the Sth to the 34th degrees of north latitude, and from the 68th to the 92nd degrees of east longitude, which from north to south is no less in length than 1800, and from east to west 1500 miles, there are we! It has regions that bask beneath the brightest rays of a tropical sun; and others, than which the most awful depths of the polar world are not more dreary. In its vast plains, which present rich double harvests, luxuriant foliage, and even the burning deserts of the torrid zone; in its low heights, enriched by the fruits and grains of temperate and mellow climates; on its upper steeps, clothed with the vast pine forests of the north; and even on the highest pinnacles of its loftiest regions, buried beneath the perpetual snows of the arctic zone;—even there are we! On the great plain of India, between the Brah