N 1636 Samuel Gorton, of London, came with his wife to

volunteers for the Pequod war in 1637, but of his business nothing is said. He soon won the reputation of a " prodigious minter of exorbitant novelties." Morton calls him "blasphemous and familistic," which probably means nothing more than that he was aggressive, and had ideas beyond the range of the secretary's bigotry. Gorton and his wife boarded with Smith, the ex-pastor; and after a time Mrs. Smith expressed a higher opinion of Gorton's prayers than of her husband's. Smith, thus touched in both his professional and his conjugal pride, ordered the Gortons from his house. Gorton claiming the rights of a tenant, the case went to court, where it was decided for Smith. From some provocation, Gorton was led to treat the Bench to a little choice invective, addressing the presiding magistrate as "Satan," and extending his remarks to the local clergy. He was then heavily fined, and ordered to leave the Colony within fourteen days; but lest his family might suffer, only £10 was taken from him.

Gorton then went across to Aquiday, and was there soon involved in a case over a pig, which resulted in his getting whipped at the public post for contempt of court. It is just to Gorton to say that this offence seems to have been chiefly in a punning description of the justices as "just-asses," and calling Mr. Justice Eaton "a lawyer"! He passed on to Providence, where he speedily led the tolerant Roger Williams to express regrets that he could not also banish him, as "the

tide was against it."1 In 1642 Gorton and his friends, including" John Weeks and wife," with others who had followed him from Plymouth, crossed from Providence to Shawomet (now Warwick), and created a thriving town. Probably Gorton

had hitherto been in the wrong; but the outrageous conduct of Massachusetts soon put him in the right.

Gorton's wrongs do not belong in a book having the scope of this review; but it may be added that after his persecution began he had the strong sympathy of Plymouth, which seems to have been fully reciprocated. In his eightieth year he went as interpreter in Plymouth's behalf on a last attempt to avert Philip's outbreak. Gorton has without doubt been grossly misrepresented by the early writers at the Bay. In 1676, when he died at the age of eighty, he had for very long been annually elected to offices of trust in his town of Warwick, and had also been an honored preacher. He was in familiar correspondence with Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, who was his physician, and Gorton's letters to him not only show Latin scholarship, but are of a beauty of penmanship rarely seen at that day. Yet if many of his contemporaries failed to fully or justly understand his doctrines, those who now read his manuscripts are not much more successful. It certainly appears that he was up to the orthodox standard of his times, even to the extent of vehemence against the Quakers and others whom his enemies called "heretics." Take him all in all, he deserves far better from history than he has received.

1 Williams seems to have objected, not to the principle of banishing unwelcome persons, but its application to himself.

2 Under the head of "John Brown," it will be seen that Plymouth protected Gorton against Massachusetts by claiming jurisdiction over his territory. In after years, when some "Gortonists" had a controversy with Pomham over some hogs, Pomham would not have the case referred to Plymouth because of the favor there to the Gortonists, and John Brown is mentioned as “very familiar" with them.

CHAPTER LIII.

CHAUNCEY. - DUNSTER. - HARVARD COLLEGE. - PRINTING.

OR two years John Reynor had ably and acceptably filled the Plymouth pulpit, when in 1638 he was joined by Charles Chauncey, a graduate of Trinity College, on the Cam, where he had been successively named as Greek and as Hebrew professor. In 1629, while vicar of Ware, he was cited for terming some of Laud's churchly novelties as "idolatrous," and only escaped prison by a Latin apology to that primate. In 1635, for opposing the erection of a rail before his communion-table by some unauthorized parishioners, Laud ruined him by fines, and after keeping him a prisoner for more than a year, exacted from him an approval of chancel-rails, and of kneeling at them in the communion, a concession which Chauncey bewailed forever after. Laud rarely lost sight of his victims, and soon again summoned Chauncey, this time for neglecting to read the "Book of Sports."1 The clergyman's only hope now was in flight, and he quickly found his way across the Atlantic to Boston. Then he was (1638) "invited and sent for" to come to Plymouth as "pastor," under Reynor as "teacher."

Chauncey's ability and learning made him a marvellous ac

1 James I. authorized games on Sunday, publishing in 1618 "The King's Majestie's Declaration to his Subjects concerning Lawful Sports to be used” on Sundays after evening prayers. The second "Book of Sports," that referred to above, was published with a ratification by Charles I. in 1633. It caused violent and angry discussions among the clergy; and when Cromwell came, the book was ordered by Parliament to be burned by the hangman, and the sports were suppressed.

quisition even to that well-filled pulpit, and Bradford, Winslow, Brewster, Fuller, and others must have had many an intellectual treat of a high order. But before three years had passed, the new pastor began to declare immersion the only real baptism for either infants or adults, and to insist that the communion must be celebrated by candle-light, in the manner(?) of the Last Supper.1 Great efforts were made to bring him back. Pastor Partridge, of Duxbury, held several public discussions with him, as also did other clergymen; but with the usual result of making each disputant only the more positive. Then Chauncey's own statement of his views was sent to the churches at Boston, Hartford, and New Haven, all the pastors of which expressed a vigorous disapproval; but he became the more firm. With very great liberality, the Pilgrim church then invited him to continue with them, and to administer the ordinances in his way to all who should so desire, while Reynor served in other cases. But Chauncey would accept nothing short of entire conformity to his views. Bradford says: "The church yielded that immersion or dipping was lawful, but in this cold country not so convenient; " but that they dared not assent to the unlawfulness of sprinkling, "which all the churches of Christ do for the most part use at this day."

So in 1641 Chauncey went from Plymouth to Lothrop's former pulpit at Scituate. There he carried-out his views; and early illustrated them one winter's day by cruelly immersing his two little children, one of whom became insensible from the cold. The mother of another child was so afraid to present it that Chauncey sent her with a note to Boston, where the infant was sprinkled. Several of his flock began to oppose his practices; and after the manner of Laud, he sought to coerce them by excommunication. They therefore seceded, under the lead of William Vassall (captain of the train-band, and one of the twelve members of the Council.

1 Pastor Leveredge, of Sandwich, became a convert to Chauncey's idea of night communion. The poor man had already more causes of disquiet than he could overcome, and this intensified them. (See notice of him.)

1645-54.]

WETHERELL.

CHAUNCEY.

423

of War), who acted with the Congregationalists, while privately retaining his Episcopal preferences.

The new body built a little thatch-roofed church, and founded the South Parish of Scituate. In 1645 William Wetherell, of Duxbury, became its pastor, and served till his death, thirty-nine years later. The Old Colony churches and magistrates sternly disapproved of this new church, and long refused it recognition; while, on the other hand, it was much encouraged by the Bay. Plymouth did not regard such differences as justifying the division of a parish, and the consequent weakening of its resources, whether done in the interests of Congregationalists at Scituate, or of Baptists at Rehoboth (q. v.). She was at least consistent.

Chauncey's manners made much ill-feeling between the parishes, and he foolishly came to profess a fear for his life at the hands of Vassall. His clerical income fell off; but he cked it out with his fees as a practising physician, like many pastors of the time. His medical standing is indicated by a court-order of 1647, that Francis Crooker may marry Mary Gaunt, of Barnstable, if "Mr. Chauncey and some other approved phisition" will certify that his is "not the falling sickness." In 1648 the liberal Vassall returned to England, but the new parish was kept up with vigor.2 Chauncey's fare grew hard and harder, until, in 1654, when Laud had long been beheaded and Cromwell was in power, he concluded to accept a call to his old parish of Ware; but while in Boston waiting for a ship, he was led to change his course and become the second president of Harvard College, -an institution which here requires some notice.

1 An anecdote related of Wetherell, in Scituate, may serve to illustrate the manner of those times. One Bryant entered the church after service had begun, and Parson Wetherell, at the close of his prayer, thus addressed him: "Neighbor Bryant, it is to your reproach that you have disturbed the worship by entering late, living as you do within a mile of this place; and especially so since here is Goody Barstow, who has milked seven cows, made a cheese, and walked five miles to the House of God in good season.'

2 In 1653 Chauncey sued his neighbor William Barstow for slander. The General Court gave him £100, with 18s. 6d. costs. Chauncey on the spot forgave Barstow the £100. (For similar case see "John Brown.")