of La Minerve frigate: after several casual encounters with the enemy, and expending nearly a month in refitting ships and embarking stores and troops from Elba, he proceeded with sir Gilbert Elliot, late governor of Corsica, afterwards lord Minto, and other distinguished individuals, to Gibraltar. His junction with the fleet of admiral Jervis, and the exemplary skill, courage, and activity which he displayed on that occasion, have just been detailed in the account of the victory off St. Vincent. After that memorable conflict, the fleet sailed from Lagos bay, and proceeded to Lisbon, where they arrived on the 27th of February, 1797. While lying at anchor in the Tagus, his majesty's ships, the Orion, Minerve, Romulus, Southampton, Andromache, Bonne, Citoyenne, Leander, and Raven, received orders to place themselves under the command of commodore Nelsou. The object of the secret expedition was a cruize in search of the viceroy of Mexico, who eluded his vigilence; and, having been appointed rear-admiral of the Blue, he was again ordered to Porto Ferrajo, to bring off the garrison; a service which he performed with his usual address. He then proceeded on his present expedition to the isle of Teneriffe. His force consisted of four ships of the line and three frigates. As he intended to surprise the enemy, the attack was deferred till night. At eleven, a thousand chosen men were embarked in the boats belonging to the squadron; they proceeded without being discovered, till they were within gun-shot of the Mole, which stretches from the town into the sea. Their approach being perceived, the alarm bells were rung, and a tremendous fire opened upon them from all the batteries extending along the platforms in front of the town. The night was so dark that only five of the boats could find the mole, which was defended by a body of 500 men. These the soldiers and sailors landing from the boats attacked and dispersed at the first onset; but so dreadful a fire of musketry and grape-shot was kept up from the citadel and the houses at the head of the mole, that they could not advance, and nearly all of them were killed or

wounded. This first division was commanded by admiral Nelson in person, having under him captains Bowen, Thompson, and Freemantle. The boat which conveyed captain Bowen never reached the shore. It was sunk by a cannon-shot, and he and his crew perished. The Fox cutter was lost in the same manner, with nearly 100 men. The other divisions under the commands of captains Troubridge, Hood, Millar, and Waller, landed at the south of the citadel, making their way through a raging surf that stove all their boats aud wetted their ammunition. Notwithstanding these difficulties, they passed over the walls and batteries, and penetrated to the great square of the town, where, having formed to the number of 400 men, they marched towards the citadel, but found it too strong to be attacked with any hope of success. At this moment captain Troubridge was informed by his prisoners that 8000 Spaniards, assisted by 100 French, were preparing to attack them. Perceiving the impossibility of receiving aid from the ships, he sent captain Hood with a message to the Spanish governor, intimating, that if he would allow him freely and without molestation to re-embark his people, and would furnish him with boats for that purpose, instead of those which had been stove, the town should be no longer molested by the squadron before it. On the governor's replying to this message that the English should surrender prisoners of war, captain Hood answered that he was directed to tell him, that if the terms he had offered were not instantly accepted, the town would be fired, and an assault made by the English at the point of the bayonet. On this resolute declaration, the governor thought it prudent to comply with the terms offered. And captain Troubridge marched with his men, their colours flying, to the head of the mole, where they re-embarked in their remaining boats and in others furnished by the Spaniards.

In this manner terminated an unfortunate expedition, which cost the lives of numbers of our ablest seamen. Among the wounded was Nelson himself, who lost his right arm. The event might have been yet more

disastrous, had not the forbearance and humanity of the Spanish admiral tended in conjunction almost every other circumstance of the war with Spain, to demonstrate that the court of Madrid had been reluctantly compelled to engage in hostilities. Early in the year, a British army appeared before Trinidad, a considerable island to the south of Tobago. Four Spanish ships of the line and a frigate, being observed in a bay nearly ready for sailing, dispositions were made to obstruct their escape. In the night, one vessel was seen to be on fire; three others were soon after involved in flames and destroyed, while one of 74 guns was taken by the English. The troops under sir Ralph Abercrombie Ianded without opposition: the chief town was not defended, and the governor tamely resigned the whole island. The same success, however, did not attend an expedition against the island of Porto Rico; the troops being unable to force a passage to the islet, on which the capital is situated. They therefore retired after an ineffective bombardment of the town.

At the moment when the moderate party had regained their influence in the two councils of Paris, the English court, in conformity with the wishes of the people, again offered to negotiate. An official note dated the 1st of June, was sent to the French minister for foreign affairs, intimating the willingness of his majesty to open a negotiation for the re-establishment of peace, and for the regulation of preliminaries, to be definitively arranged at a future congress. The answer of the directory expressed an equal disposition to terminate the calamities of war; but signified at the same time, a desire that negotrations should be set on foot for a definitive treaty. As they had determined not to enter into any arrangement which might give to England the advantage of consulting her allies, in transmitting the passports for the expected minister, they specified that he was to be entrusted with full power to negotiate a definitive and separate treaty. Lord Malmsbury was again appointed plenipotentiary, and arrived at Lisle early in July. He exchanged his powers with the

French plenipotentiaries, Letourneur, Pleville, Pellay, and Maret, and had his first conference of business on the 8th of that month, when he delivered in the basis of negotiation proposed by the English court. The uti possidetis, or state of things as they stood before the war, was laid down as the fundamental principel of the treaty; and it was offered on the part of the British, that every conquest they had made should be delivered up, except the islands of Trinidad, Ceylon, and the Cape of Good Hope. But it was expected in return, that the effects of the stadtholder should be restored as some compensation for the recent loss of his hereditary dignities. Some particuJars were contained in the project of lord Malmsbury, on which the French ambassadors were unable to decide; for which reason they transmitted them to the directory, and proposed to his lordship to discuss in the mean time, some other points within the sphere of their instructions. They strongly objected to the title of king of France, borne by his Britannic majesty, and declared that he could never be considered as acknowledging the republic, till its title should be abolished. They inquired whether France was to receive an adequate compensation for the ships taken or destroyed in the port of Toulon; observing that they could only be held by Britain as a deposit till the republic was acknowledged, and that, this being done, it was necessary to restore them or grant an indemnification. On the 16th of July, lord Malmsbury received an additional intimation, acquainting him that the directory could not break their treaties with allies, and that consequently the restitution of all the conquests of his Britannic majesty would be an indispensible preliminary.

The British plenipotentiary replied, that a demand so unqualified and imperious, must immediately conclude the negotiation, as it proposed cession on the one side, and without compensation on the other. If this were the resolution of the directory, his functions were no more; and it only remained for Great Britain to persevere in maintaining, with an energy and spirit proportioned to the emergency, a war that

could not be ended but by terms so disgraceful. The instructions, however, of the plenipotentiaries were positive and precise; and they therefore waited, or pretended to wait, during the whole of the month of August for further instructions from the directory. On the 28th, his lordship was informed that the answer respecting the stadtholder returned by Holland, was so unsatisfactory, that it was sent to the Dutch ministers at Paris, who durst not presume to alter it, in conformity with the wishes of the directory, without first applying to their own government for additional instructions.

While the negotiation was thus prolonged, the revolution of the 4th of September intervened, and the ambassadors were recalled from Lisle, Trielhard and Bonnier being substituted in their place. The new ambassadors informed lord Malmsbury that their powers were extensive, and hoped that the business before them would be terminated in a short time, if his powers were equally ample. As they were ready to proceed to treat with his lordship on the general principle of restitution, they wished to be informed if he was prepared to meet them on that ground, when he answered in the negative, and could not help remarking, that the demand of the directory justified him in doubting their sincerity. On the 15th, he was peremptorily asked whether he was possessed of powers which might enable him to proceed to the restitution of every possession taken from France or her allies. On his again replying in the negative, he was ordered to leave Lisle in twenty-four hours, and not to return without every necessary qualification from his court. Wearied by unnecessary delays, and baffled in his pacific overtures by the most mean and irritating finesse, his lordship hastened to comply with this command, and to lay before his sovereign the results of his unfortunate attempt. In the speech from the throne, November 2nd, the final rupture of the negotiation was justly attributed to the evasive conduct, the unwarrantable pretensions, and the inordinate ambition of the French; and in particular to their inveterate animosity VOL. I.

against these kingdoms. Being thus compelled to persevere in hostilities, his majesty had the satisfaction of knowing that the country possessed means and resources proportionate to the nature and demands of the contest. He thought that the state of the war would admit some reduction of charges, but a heavy expense was still unavoidable, and the true value of any temporary sacrifices could only be estimated by comparing them with the importance of effectually supporting public credit, and convincing the foe of the continued spirit and the undiminished power of the nation.

When the papers relative to the conference of Lisle had been examined by both houses, lord Grenville requested the peers to vote an address, approving the conduct of the sovereign, and reprobating that of the enemy. In this address the commons readily concurred, no attempt being made to divide the house, though sir John Sinclair proposed an amendment for a speedy renewal of negotiation.

In mentioning temporary sacrifices for the support of public credit, the king alluded to a scheme for obtaining an extraordinary supply by a new and general tax,. so as to diminish considerably the amount of that loan which would otherwise be required. Mr. Pitt expatiated on the supposed advantages of the plan, and then detailed its particular provisions. He mentioned such sums as would defray £6,450,000, desired a loan of 12,000,000, and proposed that 7,000,000 should be paid within the year, as a fresh tax. This impost was to be regulated by the assessed taxes of the current year; but, if that criterion should raise it beyond a tenth part of the income of the most opulent individual, it would be reduced to that standard. All who were charged for male servants, horses, and carriages, besides houses and windows, would be subjected to treble assessment, in addition to what they already paid, where the old duty did not exceed £25, and where this rose to a higher amount, they would pay from three times and one half to five times the amount, extra. Those who lived in a less expensive style, would 20

be less burdened; shopkeepers would be particularly favored, and some of the contributors would not pay more than the one hundred and twentieth part of their income. The plan was vehemently opposed in the house of commons, but was adopted by a large majority, notwithstanding the clamors of the people. In the house of lords it passed almost without opposition.

During the former session, Mr. Fox had absented himself from parliament, together with several gentlemen of opposition, declaring their attendance in support of the interests of the nation and of their constituents, totally unavailing. On the discussion of the assessed taxes, however, both he and Mr. Sheridan resumed their posts, and combated, with activity, all the financial regulations of the minister. To a bill for the commutation of the land-tax, Mr. Addington proposed an additional clause that voluntary contributions should be allowed; and the scheme of finance, after being farther combated in the house of peers with this annexation, was passed into a law. Voluntary contributions immediately commenced from the most opulent classes and individuals. Corporate bodies united with private persons, bankers,

merchants, tradesmen, and mechanics, vied with each other in the extent and ra pidity of their subscriptions, and the fair sex partook in the general enthusiasm. The amount of this contribution, calculated at £1,500,000, was of less consequence as a fund of supply, than as a testimonial of the public spirit. The discontents of the preceding years, and the influence of Jacobinism, had, in some degree, subsided. The signal victories of our naval commanders gratified the national pride, and removed the immediate apprehension of invasion. The re-appearance of gold and silver proved the responsibility of the Bank, and dispelled the, alarm excited by the apparent uncertainty of public credit, and the abrupt termination of the embassy at Lisle being universally attributed to the French, awakened the general resentment. Even those who had most warmly disapproved of the commencement of the war, perceived the necessity of its continuance, and while they lamented the precipitance by which we had been involved in the miseries and distress of hostile contention, regarded it as their duty to their country and themselves, to co-operate with the minister in every possible means of defence and extrication.

G

REAT Britain had defeated the fleets of her combined enemies, and foiled them in their plan of invasion; but it yet remained to frustrate their secret machinations. Disappointed in their design of seducing our seamen from their allegiance, the emissaries of France directed their attention to Ireland. That kingdom now became the field on which they practised their intrigues against the English government, and it must be acknowledged that their efforts were attended by too much success but the turbulent scenes to which they gave occasion, will not be reviewed with unmixed regret by those who consider them as the immediate cause of the subsequent union between the sister kingdom.s.

The Irish catholics had been gratified by the repeal of those penal statutes which had been enacted against them in ages of persecution, and had been admitted to a community of commercial privileges with the English. But while they acknowledged the supremacy of the pope, whose power and influence might interfere with the allegiance they owed to their natural sovereign, it was deemed unsafe to admit them to state appointments or to a seat in the Irish legislature, because the great majority which they formed would have endowed them with the whole power of the state, and the protestants who did not constitute above a third part of the in

habitants, and whom, from the time of the reformation, they had regarded as intruders on their rights and property, would have been completely at their mercy. Valid as these reasons were considered by men of dispassionate minds, they were the very circumstances which augmented among the majority of the Roman catholics, their desire of emancipation.

The genius of the present times was favorable to their views. A spirit of innovation had gone forth under the mask of reform, which threatened the subversion of all antient governments, and the rejection of the principles by which they had been guided. Experience had not sufficiently convinced mankind that excessive tyranny might be practised under the cloak of freedom; and the mistaken zeal of the catholics was confirmed and inflamed by the disastrous state of the public affairs, which might possibly induce the government to conciliate the attachment of so powerful a description of its subjects, by compliance with their demands.

It may be doubted, however, whether the demands or expectations of the catholics at large, would ever have been supported and enforced by the most distant indication of rebellion. The majority of those who took a conspicuous part in the subsequent atrocities, were the outcasts of protestant society, imbued with revo lutionary principles, and rendering the