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powers having declined to intervene and punish the Sultan for the Armenian massacres, M. Gohier asks why it would not be a worthy endeavor for the United States to attempt what Europe has declined to do. In his opinion, there would be no ambiguity in such an intervention, for the disinterestedness of the United States would be manifest. "And the name of war need not

"An Italian View of Humor." In another department we have quoted from Senator McLaurin's paper on "The Commercial Democracy of the South."

even be pronounced. The American navy is powerful, IN

while a Turkish navy scarcely exists. Where is, then, the possibility of war? There must be two to make a fight. To show the blood-stained Sultan some battleships, and to warn him that every human head that falls under the knives of his assassins will be paid for by the destruction of one of his palaces,-this would not be the work of a conqueror, but the action of a noble heart."

THE ETHICAL VALUE OF FOOTBALL. President Charles F. Thwing writes of football in its ethical relations and functions. He formulates five points of what he terms "the ethical Calvinism of football." These are: (1) Football represents the inexorable, embracing things that must be done at specific times, places, and in specific ways; (2) football illustrates the value of the positive in the building of character; (3) it represents the value of a compelling interest; (4) football embodies the process of self-discovery; and, finally, it develops self-restraint.

President Thwing admits that, as played in American colleges, the game is subject to very serious evils; but these evils, in his view, relate rather to the conduct of the game and to incidental conditions than to its essential elements.


Apropos of the fact that the Chinese exclusion act will expire by limitation in May next, and that Congress will be asked to renew it, Mayor Phelan, of San Francisco, raises the question whether there has been in the past ten years any change in the nature of the evils attending Chinese immigration or in the sentiments of the people. He affirms that on the Pacific coast there has been no change, but that, on the contrary, the lapse of time has made still more evident the non-assimilative character of the Chinese and their undesirabilty as citizens. He declares that the exclusion of the Chinese has had no appreciable effect on the trade between the two countries. The resident Chinese here import for their own consumption dried fish, pickled vegetables, and rice. These commodities, according to the custom-house records, have not fallen off since 1881. The same is true of other imports. When the Chinese come to this country they know little else than manual labor, but, according to Mayor Phelan, they soon acquire a skill which enables them to compete with the trained American working man. In his view, therefore, the Chinese become the great potential danger to skilled labor.


M. Jules Roche writes on "The National Debt of France;" Mr. Hamilton W. Mabie on "American Opportunities and Education;" Mr. Anthony M. Brady on "The Services of Electricity," and Mr. O. P. Austin, of the United States Bureau of Statistics, on the threatened European war against American manufactures. Mr. W. G. Wells contributes his sixth paper on "Anticipations," and Mr. W. D. Howells his second on


N the opening article of the November Forum, on President Roosevelt, Mr. A. Maurice Low calls attention to the facts that, although the youngest President, Mr. Roosevelt has a more comprehensive and more intimate knowledge of the country than had any of his predecessors; that he is one of the very few Presidents possessing a proficient knowledge of foreign languages, and that he is the only President who served an apprenticeship in one of the great departments.


Mr. Willard Saulsbury contributes an article on the Delaware situation entitled "Preserving a State's Honor." Speaking of the two vacant chairs of that State in the United States Senate, Mr. Saulsbury declares that the people of Delaware "point with pride, as silent but irrefutable witnesses to the purity, incorruptibility, and steadfast honor of our people, willing to withdraw from the high places of distinction rather than barter their State's good name. These chairs may remain a long time vacant; this fight will go on until we are victorious or overpowered. We have been accustomed to claim great credit for our State because she has honored those who by their valor, worth, integrity, courage, and ability reflected back that honor upon her, and have written their names high among their contemporaries upon the roll of patriots and statesmen; and no one has cared, after time has mellowed the feeling personal clashes have produced, whether they were Federalist or Republican, Whig or Democrat. But now we are in a dogged, determined, handto-hand contest for a semblance of clean political life, and there need be no fear that there will be a surrender by the respectable elements of society in Delaware." CUBA'S SUGAR.

In his article on "Sugar and the New Colonies," Mr. C. A. Crampton shows that the sugar industry in Cuba is slowly reviving, the acreage having been increased 25 per cent., and the yield for next season is estimated to reach between 600,000 and 700,000 tons. In Mr. Crampton's opinion, the entire abrogation of the duty on Cuban sugar would mean practically a free gift of more than the crop itself is worth. He thinks that American growers are quite justified in opposing such action. On the other hand, such a concession as is allowed the British West Indies by the terms of the proposed reciprocity treaties-12% per cent.-would be a matter of the plainest equity, and the very least that should be considered by the friends of Cuba. A differential of 25 per cent., involving a reduction of fourtenths of a cent per pound upon sugar of average polarization, could not be regarded as anything more than a very modest demand; while a reduction of 33% per cent., or a half-cent per pound, would allow Cuba but one-third of the advantage granted to Hawaii and Porto Rico, and would cost less than $1,000,000 in duties.


Mr. Price Collier institutes a comparison between the codes of honor in ancient and modern athletics, taking as a basis Virgil's famous account of the games in the

fifth book of the Eneid. Mr. Collier concludes that the standards of to-day are far higher than those of ancient times. Sport now ministers to the moral and mental, as well as physical, development of our young men. Mr. Collier inclines to the opinion that the ancient Grecian athlete has been overlauded.

THE SMALL COLLEGE AND THE LARGE. Readers of the sketch of Dr. Pearsons, "the friend of the American small college," in the November number of this REVIEW, will be interested in President C. F. Thwing's discussion of the comparative advantages and disadvantages of small and large colleges in the November Forum. President Thwing thinks that no positive affirmation of the superiority of either the large or the small college can be safely made. "To ask which is superior is like asking whether one prefers purple or golden sunsets. The answer arises from the personal equation." President Thwing, however, is not blind to the facts of the situation, and while he hesitates to make an affirmation on the subject, he does not hesitate to ask "whether the small college is not better fitted to make thinkers, and the large to make scholars; the small better fitted to teach men, and the large better fitted to teach subjects; the small better fitted to train the individual, and the large better fitted to discipline the democracy; and the small better fitted to improve and enrich personal character, and the large to disseminate truth."


Recent utterances of Mayor Tom L. Johnson, of Cleveland, on the granting of franchises to street-railway companies, have called attention to the benefits to the community derived from the spread of improved transportation facilities. The argument against taxation of street-railway franchises is presented by Mr. Walter S. Allen in this number of the Forum. Mr. Allen shows that in return for the right to occupy the streets the railway gives compensation in the form of increased opportunities for the improvement of the condition of the working man and the relief of congested populations in our urban centers.


The Hon. Martin Dodge writes on "The Government and Good Roads;" Mr. Karl Blind on "Crispi and Italian Unity;" the Hon. Charles Denby on "Agricul ture in China;" and Mr. W. C. Jameson Reid on "The Political and Commercial Future of Asia."



HE November Arena is especially strong in political and social philosophy. The number opens with a discussion of anarchy-"the gospel of destruction." Dr. Felix L. Oswald treats the subject in its evolutionary aspects, and hints at a moderate course in dealing with the disease. He thinks that the sincerity of the exponents of anarchism should be recognized, and that they should be reasoned with and made to see the error of their ways. The chief fallacy of anarchism, in his view, is contained in the idea that "the privileges of primitive barbarism" can ever be transferred to so complex a social state as that in which we now live. Mrs. Evelyn Harvey Roberts, in prescribing a cure for anarchy, attacks the whole system of individual

ism, based, as it is, on private property and supported by class or private law," as in itself anarchy pure and simple. The root of the whole trouble is in materialistic conceptions of self-interest, fostered by false economic teachings. The antidote is to be found in "selfgovernment, self-knowledge, and self-expression.”

The Rev. James Hoffman Batten contributes an essay on "The Failure of Freedom" in which he draws a pessimistic picture of our modern political life, dominated by corporate interests. A much more hopeful view is taken by Prof. Frank Parsons in his article on "Causes of the Political Movement of Our Time." Professor Parsons believes that the movement toward “democracy, union, and civilization" will continue because the underlying causes of the movement-commerce, invention, thought development and diffusion, love of liberty and justice, sympathy, and sense of right ”—are more potent to-day than ever before.

"The Futilities of Reformers" is the subject of a suggestive paper by Mr. Joseph Dana Miller. He closes with this reflection:

"We will have corrupt government as long as people do not understand that the true function of government is not the reformation of the individual, but the protection of rights. Every man feels instinctively that he has a right to drink as he likes, to spend his money as he likes; he resents the impertinence of government interference-and in the main he is right. Grown men will be not better men, but worse, and public administration more corrupt, by every renewed attempt to suppress or regulate the inevitable vices and follies of men, nearly all of which spring from misgovernment and the denial of man's inalienable rights."


In this number, Miss Frances A. Kellor concludes her series of articles on "The Criminal Negro." Her investigation shows that, with reference to climate, soil, food, and economic and social conditions in general, the negro is more disadvantageously placed than any other class in America; that Southern penal institutions are conducted with a view to revenue rather than to lessening crime; that the physical and mental conditions of the race should not discourage educational effort, and that the environment in the South is favorable to the commission of crime by negroes.


The editors comment on the facts brought out in the last report of the Interstate Commerce Commission regarding the waste of human life on the railroads of the United States during the year covered by the report. They say:

"The fact that 7,865 persons were killed in a year and over 50,000 were injured by the railways of this country ought to call forth an indignant and persistent protest from millions of Americans-a protest so determined and pronounced that the Government would come to the rescue of the public, and especially of the employees on the railroads, and compel the management to provide ways and means for the material diminution of this frightful slaughter."


Mr. J. Buckley Bartlett writes on "Ethics of the Land Question," Mr. Stanton K. Davis on "The Office of the Preacher," and Ella Seass Stewart on "Some Ancient New Women."


THE INTERNATIONAL MONTHLY. ERHAPS the most timely article in the International Monthly for November is a discussion of "Strikes and the Philosophy of the Strikers," by Mr. Frank A. Foster. This writer's sympathies seem to be quite decidedly with the labor unions. At any rate, his observations have led him to conclude that the tendency of labor unions is to diminish rather than to increase the number of strikes. He says: "Paradoxical as it may seem, there is nothing in the history of trade-unionism to warrant the assumption that the possession of a large strike fund promotes a disposition to enter upon strikes. Responsibility breeds conservatism, and it is notable that the financially strong unions are the most cautious about appealing to the arbitrament of the industrial battlefield, while the more newly organized and less stable unions are apt to precipitate themselves into conflicts for which they are comparatively unprepared."


In this number, Prof. J. W. Jenks, of Cornell University, presents some material gathered by him in Europe for the use of the United States Industrial Commission on the subject of industrial combinations. Professor Jenks has found that in Germany, England, Austria, Belgium, and France, as in the United States, the tendency toward combination is exceedingly strong; that the movement has advanced much further in Germany, England, and Austria than in France; and that in Italy, Spain, and the Balkan states only the beginnings of such a movement seem to have been made. These facts seem to confirm the general impression that the principle of industrial combination exists in all countries in which industry has passed beyond the primitive stages. Professor Jenks even goes so far as to say that up to a certain point one can almost measure the degree of industrial progress by the extent to which the different industries have become organized into industrial combinations of some form or other.


Prof. N. S. Shaler, of Harvard, contributes an interesting paper on "The Future of the Gold Supply." Taking into account the rapid improvement in the methods of vein mining, especially through the intervention of power drills, more effective explosives, better hoisting systems, and more efficient methods of treating the ores, Professor Shaler estimates that on the average, in terms of labor, it probably does not at present cost one-third as much to win and treat a given amount of metal from underground mines as it did in 1850. Still further cheapening may be looked for by the application of electricity produced by water powers. Then, too, the chemical improvements, particularly the cyanide process, have operated to increase greatly the field that can be profitably exploited. Professor Shaler ventures the assertion that at anything like the present prices of labor the yield from the underground mines is likely within twenty years to exceed five hundred millions per annum, and to be maintained at this, or an even greater rate, for many decades. A far greater increase in the gold supply is to be looked for, however, from the alluvial deposits. The effect of the augmentation in the production of gold, such as there seems good reason to anticipate, will undoubtedly be an increase in prices. The resulting increase in the cost of mining gold would,

of course, tend to lessen the profits of such operations; and, at some point in the movement, a balance would be obtained which would check a further increment in the supply. Professor Shaler thinks, however, that much disturbance of values would be brought about before this automatic brake would operate. "All debts, though their face value would be unchanged, would be as effectively scaled down as though a despot had for his profit debased the coinage of the civilized world.” Thus, the very results which were predicted by the gold-standard men in 1896 as sure to follow the adoption of free silver may for similar reasons be expected to follow a rapid increase in the volume of the world's gold currency.

M. Marillier writes on "Ernest Renan and the Soul of the Celt," Prof. Hugo Münsterberg concludes his survey of American democracy, Signor Cortesi contributes "A Political Survey of Francesco Crispi," and Prof. Dana Carleton Munro begins a series of articles on "Christian and Infidel in the Holy Land."

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Mr. Sydney Buxton, M. P., writes on shooting, dealing with many sides of the sport. We quote the following paragraph:

"It may be fairly said that the better the shot, the less the cruelty; the worse the shot, the greater the cruelty; and, humanly speaking, no one ought to shoot until he can shoot well. The good shot-unless wickedly tempted by his proficiency to fire very long shots -kills far more often than he wounds; the bird flies into the center of the charge. The bad shot, on the other hand, wounds as often as, perhaps more often than, he kills, for he catches the bird with the outside pellets, he hits it behind and below, and not in a vital spot. Moreover, he is more likely to misjudge distances; or, on the off-chance of killing, to indulge in that gratuitous form of cruelty-the long shot. This comparison holds true, I verily believe, except when birds are coming at a terrific rate down wind; then, while the bad shot does not touch a feather, the good shot wounds a larger proportion than usual."


Maurice Maeterlinck, the Flemish mystic, writes an article of a dozen pages upon what he calls "The Mystery of Justice," the essence of which is that there is no providence, that there is no juste in the universe outside ourselves. It is not in things, but in us, that the justice of things resides. We ascribe to the universe,

to an unintelligible eternal principle, a part that we play ourselves. When we say that justice, Heaven, nature, or events are rising in revolt against us to punish or to avenge, it is in reality man who is using events to punish man. It is human nature that rises in revolt and human justice that avenges.


The Hon. Mrs. Chapman writes on Madame de Sevigné. The editor, Mr. W. L. Courtney, examines Mr. Pinero's "Iris." Mrs. Hugh Bell reviews "Sir Richard Calmady" very eulogistically.

Mr. W. H. Mallock publishes the second installment of his "Religion and Science at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century." This month he deals with Father Maher's "Psychology," but his treatment, though very interesting, is not suitable for quotation.



R. ERNEST NEWMAN writes, in the November Contemporary, on "English Music and Musical Criticism." He thinks that English music-hall critics are a very poor lot, and he concludes his paper with a reflection that in the next ten years there may be a vig orous contemporary school of English music, hampered and impeded by a music-hall criticism fifty or sixty years behind the times.

There is a long article by Richard Heath on "Protestantism in France." Mr. Heath says that the broad fact is that the Protestant spirit has the confidence of the French people, while they are indifferent to Protestantism as an organized religion.

Mr. Fred. T. Jane protests against the prevalent sentiment that torpedo-boat destroyers must be made perfectly safe. He asserts that the danger has been exaggerated, and that "damn danger" is the right motto for a destroyer flotilla.

Mr. Patrick Geddes, in his bright and suggestive dissertation upon the Glasgow Exhibition, notes as a significant fact that France and Russia were the powers which contributed most to the success of the exhibition, while Germany and the United States did nothing at all. Mr. Geddes discourses more suo upon the political and social lessons which the exhibition is calculated to teach.

Capt. Elliott Cairnes writes on "The Future of Drill," "A Russian Publicist" on "The Austro-Russian Agreement," and Mr. J. H. Harley on "The New Social Democracy."

Dr. Albert Shaw contributes an article on President Roosevelt, dwelling especially on the new President's former public services and his attitude in relation to various problems in national politics.


HE Nineteenth Century for November is a capi

and with so many good ones that it is impossible to notice them as they deserve.


The deputy chairman of the Dover Harbor Board gives a very interesting account of the new harbor works, by which it is hoped to make Dover the great port of call for all the German and American liners, as well as many British lines. When the new works are

completed, the sea passage across the Channel will be reduced to less than an hour, so that only five and a half hours will separate the capitals of England and France. The Channel steamers will ere long be able to come up close to the railway platform, so that the passengers can pass from pier to steamer as easily as they do at Calais. A first-class buffet for luncheons and dinners on the arrival and departure of every boat will be provided. The harbor, when complete, will cost three and a half millions sterling ($17,500,000), and the works are to be finished within six years.


Mr. R. B. Marston answers this question in the negative. Every second in every month, in every day of the year, more fish are produced in the sea than all humanity combined could devour in the same time. Dr. Hjort has proved that there are great quantities of edible fish in the ocean depths where it was believed that no fish could live. A year ago it was thought impossible that the young of cod, haddock, coal-fish, and whiting could live out in the open sea, but Dr. Hjort has demolished this theory and proved that there are many million times more young fish in the sea than we had any idea of. In his article he mentions two curious facts-one, that within the last year or two a countless army of octopuses has advanced along the northern coast of France, and has absolutely destroyed -for a time, at least-the crab and lobster fisheries. The other fact he mentions is that the annual harvest of the North Sea in fish is estimated at eight millions sterling ($40,000,000), of which more than one-half is reaped by Englishmen.


Mr. Wilfranc Hubbard describes the law which has brought about the great exodus of religious orders of France from the anti-clerical point of view. He regards the majority of the religious orders as sworn enemies of the state, whose one idea was to destroy the republic. He regards the action of M. Waldeck-Rousseau as a justifiable measure of self-defense. He thinks that the Jesuits practically admit in their parting manifeste that they are flying, not so much from the tyranny of the government as from future subordination to the bishops of the Catholic Church. The fact that so many religious orders have applied for authorization and remain in France proves that it would not have been impossible for many of those which are now scattered over Europe to have acquiesced in the inevitable.



R. CHAMBERLAIN having publicly announced that the proposal to reduce the representation of Ireland is to be adjourned until the session before the next general election, it is hardly necessary to notice the article which Prof. A. V. Dicey contributes to the National Review for November under the title of "The Due Representation of England." He suggests that instead of giving England the 35 members to which she is entitled in a directly proportional system of representation, the English members should be left unchanged, and those of Ireland reduced from 103 to 68; of Scotland, from 72 to 68; and of Wales, from 30 to 23. This would reduce the number of the members of the House of Commons by 46.


Sir Charles Warren continues his essay under this title. He declares that the army is shackled with red tape, and that the present system, by which no responsi bility is fixed beforehand, and the treasury is allowed to refuse the money demanded by the war office, makes for failure, defeat, and disaster. He then goes on to discuss the use of artillery fire in modern war and the question of frontal attacks, gives a plan of Spion Kop, and discusses the lessons of that fatal fight, ending up by declaring that Lord Wolseley's dictum in the "Soldier's Pocket-Book "-that an officer in command who abandons his post as long as one-third of his garrison remains effective should be shot-should be given out as an order.



Mr. J. C. Haig suggests that instead of the state undertaking to provide old-age pensions for everybody, endeavors should be made to induce everybody to pay 1s. 6d. (37% cents) a week from the time that they are twenty years of age, in return for which they could secure a life insurance policy of £120 ($600), payable at death, or £280 ($1,400) at the age of fifty-one; or, if they wished to take it in cash, an old-age pension of 6s. ($1.50) a week for the rest of their lives. If the insurer began at thirty, he would pay 1s. 7d. (39 cents) a week and draw his pension at the age of sixty; or, if he paid 1s. 8d. (42 cents) a week when he was forty, he would draw a pension of 7s. 9d. ($1.93) a week at the age of sixty-five.


Mr. Leslie Stephen writes a brief, amusing article entitled "Did Shakespeare Write Bacon?" Mr. A. Maurice Low descants upon the virtues of President Roosevelt. The author of "An Absent-minded War" sets forth the advantages of the canteen and mess society, by which a canteen would always be run on cooperative principles. Mr. G. C. S. Street solemnly admonishes those recreant Jews who wish to pass themselves off as Gentiles; and Mr. Cripps explains how he would reform the House of Commons.



HE Monthly Review for November opens with a translation of a little book by the late Ameer of Afghanistan on Jehad, which is followed by a very good article by Mr. Haldane on "Education in Great Britain and Germany." These papers are noticed elsewhere.


An anonymous writer who signs himself "Stat Nominis Umbra " passes in review the Irish policy of the present British Government, and condemns it almost lock, stock, and barrel. The writer declares in substance that the government has aggravated all the evils which it ought to have removed, and he is almost as dissatisfied with the policy of the government in relation to university education and local government. His net conclusion is that the condition of Ireland is in some respects worse than it was even in the time of Parnell, and distinctly worse than it was in 1895. The mainstays of England's authority have been probably fatally weakened, and all that is best in Irish opinion has fallen away from the government.

THE GOOD SIDE OF TAMMANY HALL. Mr. Sydney Brooks, in a review of Gustavus Myers' history of Tammany Hall, explains how it is that Tammany Hall has been able to hold its own in New York. He says that the secret of its internal efficiency is to be found in discipline and in its individual accountability. But its outside popularity is due to the fact that it is a club, a church, a center of charity and beneficence. Tammany is good to the poor. It takes hold of the newly arrived immigrant, watches over him, sometimes pays his rent or his doctor's bills, gives him a start in trade, and makes him feel that he has a chance in life. If he is "hard up," Tammany will advance him money. If he is in difficulties with the police, Tammany will pull him through. If he is out of work, Tammany will find a job for him. Small wonder that to thousands and thousands Tammany is a sort of infinitely multiplied Santa Claus.


Signor L. Villari has a long but not very luminous paper upon "Wealth, Poverty, and Socialism in Italy." He admits that the Socialists have a very good prima facie case to show that there is urgent need for reform in the general corruption and illicit government pressure which finds favor with the governing party. But he doubts whether the peasants really understand Socialistic theories, or sympathize with them, excepting so far as they use them against the landlords. The Socialists have made great progress in the large towns, but he thinks that they stray from the right path in demanding greater powers from the government and in the development of class hatred. The Socialist party in Italy is become a purely parliamentary and political faction. It is being run by opportunism and demoralized more or less by an unholy alliance with the Clericals. Socialism, in spite of its great numerical increase, is already showing signs of weakness.


There is a long and copiously illustrated article by Mr. T. A. Cook on "The Past and Future of the Modern Thoroughbred." The pictures are interesting, especially the last two, which bring into sharp relief the contrast between the way in which a race is painted by painters and the way in which it is photographed by an instantaneous camera. Among the many photographs with which the article is illustrated are those of Persimmon, Ladas, Bend Or, and Lord Roberts' famous white Arab. Mr. Cook is rather despondent as to the present condition of the British thoroughbred stock, which he attributes, apparently, to the extent to which betting has spoiled the turf, and partly to the need for recruiting the exhausted stock by thoroughbreds reared in Australia and New Zealand. As the result of the present system, or no system, Mr. Cook thinks that while England may have the best racers in the world, it is doubtful whether she has still the best hacks, the best cavalry horses, the best coach horses, and the best hunters.


Mr. Edward H. Cooper, in an article entitled "The Nurseries of the Twentieth Century," suggests that the evolution of modern society renders it necessary to create another provision-that of the deputy mother, the guardian with plenary powers, the mother's help enlarged and glorified into a lady with authority o

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