Page images
PDF
EPUB
[ocr errors]

320 CONG.....20 Sess.

Lieutenant General-Mr. Smith.

Ho. OF REPS.

THEMSELVES,

the science of arms and the strategics of war. In shal in 1813. This is rapid promotion for a mili- subscribed to the parliamentary roll, the patents of all his reference to the remarks of the gentleman from tary man, and he sometimes received two or three titles having been first read by the officer of the House." Oregon, as to the ingratitude of the country and promotions for a single military display. The Well, sir, I could go on with a still longer list of Congress, I concur with them fully. The Con- achievements of Wellington in the East deserve these promotions. It is true that Wellington was gress is in fault in not having appreciated General but the name of mere military skirmishes. He an English general, but I apprehend that he was Wool, and many other distinguished officers who there contended with untutored barbarians, yet no better than an American general. He achieved have fought and bled for the country. But that is he was made a field marshal before 1813. After

these high honors by his military exploits alone. no argument against the passage of this resolu- his return he had the marshals of France to contion. Do you believe that Ben McCullough, the || tend with. He won some very clever victories in

“On the final evacuation of France on the 1st of Novem

ber, 1818, he returned to England, and soon afterwards endistinguished captain so honorably alluded to by France, but nothing more brilliant than we see in tered Lord Liverpool's cabinet as master general of the the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. LANE) on yester- the career of General Scott, except the battle of ordnance. An extra grant of £200,000 was voted him in day, if he were here, would oppose this resolution ? Waterloo. I will read as a matter of curiosity a

1815, making in all £700,000 in money, besides the pension No, sir-ee! [Laughter.] If the country be un- list of the promotions of the Duke of Wellington.

of £2,000 a year, and many lucrative appointments be

stowed upon him by the Government--an amount of pecugrateful upon one occasion, is it any reason why The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. CARTTER) yes- niary reward as unexampled as the military services it it should be ungrateful upon another? Thát would terday said something about hereditary titles and recompensed." be a strange sort of logic. The fact that the coun- the heraldry of nobility. In referring to the pro- I do not mean to say that the history of these protry refuses to-day to do its duty is no reason that motions of the distinguished Duke, of course I do

motions forms an argument conclusive in favor of it should refuse to-morrow to do it. Congress || not wish to follow the example of England in has signally failed to do its duty in this matter. conferring titles of nobility, but I wish merely to

the passage of this resolution, but is it anything

extraordinary that we should ask for its passage? But let us begin. This is as good a time as any, show that his promotions were given on account Is this the first time that an effort has been made and we are beginning, in my opinion, at a very of military achievements:

to reward an American chieftain. Eleven thouproper point.

“ His commission of colonel was conferred on the 3d of
May, 1796; that of major general, 2d of April, 1802; of the Congress of the United States, and $200,000

sand acres of land were donated to Lafayette by NATIONAL INGRATITUDE-REWARDS.

lieutenant general, 25th April, 1808; of general in Spain Mr. Chairman, national ingratitude will always and Portugal, 31st July, 1811; of field marshal, 21st June in money besides. It is true that Lafayette affordbe visited with proper retribution. If you refuse 1813."

ed us very great aid in the great struggle which to reward your military men, you make them These promotions followed his skirmishes in made us free. I do not offer this as an argument sullen, silent, and gloomy-panting for honors || the East, and before his achievements in France why this resolution should pass, but I ask, in conwhich you refuse to them—they may desert your “ He embarked for Europe on the 10th of March, 1805,

nection with the fact, if it is extraordinary that flag and drive you to the necessity of throwing the Trident frigate, after having received, from the officers this proposition should be made to an American yourself upon newer men, more untried soldiers. of the army he had commanded, the merchants of Calcutta, and the native inhabitants of Seringapatam, highly gratify

Congress. I believe I stated that leaving out the The true policy of nations and of princes, is to re- ing and substantial tokens of admiration and esteem. The

battle of Waterloo, I would place General Scott ward merit at all times. The love and desire of re- officers of the Ariny subscribed for a gold vase, to be in.

and his battles beside Wellington and his batlles. ward is insatiate in man's heart. It is exhibited in scribed with the name of his great victory, Assye; this was It is not my business to eulogize General Scott; I the child whose little mouth is upturned to receive

subsequently changed to a service of plate; the merchants leave that to other hands; but I cannot forget the

of Calcutta presented him with a sword valued at a thouits mother's approving kiss; in the school-boy in sand guineas; and, a far more bonoring tribute than these, history of the country. From Queenstown to his struggles for the medal; in the student who trims the native people of Seringa patam presented him with an the City of Mexico his military achievements have the midnight lamp, and coaxes up the last drop of address, containing a prayer to the God of all castes and been of the most brilliant, striking character, with the oil that can yield him light; and in the man

colors,' to bless and reward hin for his just and equal rule few and unimportant reverses. It has been re

in the Mysore. He had been previously, on the ist Sep. when he is rejoicing over the success of his first tember, 1804, created a Knight Companion of the Bath, and

corded by great men, that the career of General achievement. In the days of chivalry, what was a was consequently now Sir Arthur Wellesley, K. C. B.” Scott in Mexico, or at least of his army, was unknight without a rose-what was knighthood with- Soon after he was voted a sum of £200,000 ster

paralleled in modern history. out a lady's smile? This word “reward," em- ling. But here to-day, in the American Congress,

COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF NOT EXPECTED TO EXPOSE bodies in it a greater and loftier word—excelsior, | you have stickled at voting fifty dollars a month to which lifts a man above the common places of the widow and children of General Worth, one of earth, and inspires him to the loftiest pursuits. | the most gallant officers of your Army. That is

But some gentlemen say that General Scott was Reward is the nurse of ambition, and what would American gratitude?

not in the battles at all, that he did not smell gunlife be worth without ambition?

How soon you forget your great battles. I re

powder, and that he was not on the field of danger. Your mere politician may plod through life, | member a place called Monterey. There was once

I know nothing about the truth of that, but I know and, if he be a reasonable man, only expect a seat a fight there, thought at the time to have brought that in modern times it is not expected that a in Congress as his reward. Unless he has exsome glory to the American arms. I remember a

commander-in-chief should expose himself, extraordinary, qualities, or uncommon luck, that is leader after long and continuous fighting, storm

cept at times of great emergency: In days of old, as high as he can reasonably expect to climb; but | ing the Bishop's castle, with his bright sword and sword-to-sword conflict, then it was necessary and

when it was a hand-to-hand, hip-and-thigh, and he faces no bullets, (except paper bullets,) he red plume flashing amid the smoke and fire of the storms no fortresses, (except the groceries.) But

furious conflict, himself heading the charge, and customary for the Cæsars, Alexanders, and Tiblood and peril demand to be paid in pleasures | closing a great victory. That was General Worth. I moleons to mingle in the thickest of the

fight; but and rewards. There, sir, is the difference beWill you count by dollars and cents the value of

in modern times, after a man establishes his chartween the deserts of a military man and a mere such glorious deeds, and pause at the proposition

acter for courage, as Napoleon did at Lodi, and politician.

to take adequate care of the widow and orphans of Scott at Lundy's Lane-when such men are inWith the kind attention of the committee, I such a hero?

trusted with the chief command of armies, they could now demonstrate, Mr. Chairman, that all the But let us go on with the history of the promo

are not expected to mingle directly in the fight. nations of the earth, from the beginning of time, tions of the Duke of Wellington. For the battle

It was the boast of Napoleon Bonaparte, in his have been in the habit of rewarding their military | of Talavera,

old age, that he very rarely had to go into battle. men to the utmost extent. But I must crowd the

Said he, “ I won my battles by my eye, and not

“On the 10th of February, 1810, the Commons voted Lord history of the past into this phrase, while I make Wellington a pension of £2,000 a year, with succession

by my arms." Lundy's Lane and Chippewa particular allusion to the lately-deceased Duke of for two generations."

form a fair offset to Lodi. General Scott estabWellington, who has occupied much of the atten- Again:

lished a character of courage. It was not necestion of the people of the earth so recently.

sary that he should expose himself, as com-
“In 1811, Lord Wellington received the thanks of the
British Crown and Parliament for the liberation of Portugal."

mander-in-chief, unless the peril of the occasion THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S PROMOTIONS.

required it. I do not care if he was not in the I desire to show you that with less military

"On the 12th of August following, Wellington made his battles. His commands, his strategics, carried capacity, with fewer military achievements and

triumphant entry into Madrid amidst the acclamations of
the inhabitants, and was immediately afterwards appointed

out by his gallant officers, gained the battles. fewer military difficulties, the Duke of Wellington generalissimo of the Spanish armies. On the 18th of the

Common custom, common decency gives him the has been rewarded a thousand times more than same month he was created Marquis or Wellington by the honor of the victories, while it takes nothing from General Scott-living in the same age—but under

Prince-Regent of England." a more enlightened and more liberal, and a more

“In the beginning of 1813, the Marquis of Wellington,

any man--not a single laurel which may have

been won in the thicker conflict. At the battle of
upon whom the colonelcy of the royal regiment of Horse
grateful Government than ours: I mean as to mili- || guards had been previously conferred, was created a Knight | Waterloo, Wellington and Napoleon were both
tary matters. I show that the secret is known to of the Garter. He visited Cadiz, and sailed thence to Lis- out of danger most of the time, according to true
the Powers of England. They know the sources

bon, where he was received by the population with great history. It was their duty to be. The fate, not
enthusiasm."

Honors and rewards were
of their success in arms; and that secret is the re-
thickly showered about this time upon the triumphant Brit-

only of France, but of England and all Europe ward they bestow upon their military heroes. The ish general. One hundred thousand pounds for the pur- | depended upon the decision of the contest. Why, Duke of Wellington was promoted at a very early

chase of an estate had been voted bim by the English Par- in such an emergency, should the chief be exposed age, and he never made a military movement upon liament, and he was now created by the Spanish authorities

to danger? Napoleon had his place of elevation Duque de Ciudad Rodrigo, and a grandee of Spain of the any occasion without receiving a promotion. He first class. The estate of Boto de Roma, of which the un

from which to take his observations, and his comwas sent as a colonel to the East Indies, and after happily celebrated Prince of Peace had been despoiled, was mands were given to his subordinates according a few skirmishes there, rising grade by grade, he bestowed upon his by the Cadiz Cortes, 'in testimony of as the aspects of the field authorized. Sir, an imwas made a major general on the 2d of April, 1802. the gratitude of the Spanish nation.' He accepted the gift,

petuous man is never fit for a chief command. Here is a list of his commissions when he was a

but the proceeds of the estate were devoted during the war
to the public service.”

Napoleon knew very well where to place Muratyoung man. The first commission of colonel was “Their renowned commander was created, on the 3d never at the head of a division, but at the head of conferred on the 3d of May, 1796, that of major of May of that year, Marquis of Douro and Duke of Wel- a charge. These madcaps are only fit to lead general on the 2d of April, 1802, that of lieutenant | lington; and in June £400,000, making, with

the previous columns upon the plans and judgment of cooler general on the 25th of April, 1808, that of general him by the House of Commons. On the 28th of the same

heads. General Scott is entitled to the glory, great in Spain and Portugal 1811, and that of field mar- month, the Duke took his seat in the House of Peers, and as it is, derived from our conquest in the recent

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

32n CONG.....20 Sess.

Acquisition of Cuba-CanadaMr. Bell.

Ho. OF REPs.

THE DEMOCRACY OF THE SENATE VOTING FOR THE

RESOLUTION.

war with Mexico, and no effort of historians or Democrats choose for themselves, and pardon me Despairing of an immortality which he had really legislators can deprive him of it. if I'do the same for myself.

achieved, in the bitterness of his last moments, Sir, in addition to the merits of General Scott Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, How did Adams, he dictated his own epitaph: as a military man, he is entitled to the gratitude || of Mississippi, vote?

« Here lies one whose name was writ in water!" of his country for his literature. He has enriched Mr. SMITH. He voted against the resolution. Sir, if you have any rewards to give, let them the annals of our military department by books of Mr. HARRIS, of Tennessee. How did Mr. be given in time. tactics, industriously, skillfully, and scientifically Seward vote? [Laughter.]

But you stickle at the pay. Oh! yes--the pay. arranged. Grateful France gives Napoleon inti- Mr. SMITH. I did not inquire. [Renewed | Well, I do not believe the resolution, in its present nite credit for every little scrap he wrote, whether | laughter.] I was only looking for Democrats. 1 shape, would carry pay with it. The pay, if any, upon the art of war or anything else. But, as I wanted to show a Democratic side of the case; must be provided hereafter; but that is a small said before, it is not my business to eulogize Gen- that was my argument, and I have not named matter. Many of you, gentlemen, who oppose eral Scott.

them all. I find here, Mr. Soule, another distin- this resolution upon the ground that it carries extra OUGHT THIS BE MADE A POLITICAL QUESTION?

guished Democrat, voting for this resolution. And pay with it, voted last session to give five millions

nearly all the Democratic States who voted for Disguise it as you may, the objection to this

of dollars to a mere steamboat monopoly, to fatten General Pierce, have voted, by their Senators, for a few New York SNOB PRINCES, and yet now you resolution is political. Gentlemen deceive them

this resolution ! selves, no doubt honestly, when they think other

quarrel over the prospective pay which this grade

Well, now, Mr. Chairman, in this aspect of the wise. It is said by General Scoti's detractors

will probably carry with it. Sir, if it carries the that he cannot make political speeches, and that

case, I ask the Democracy what they expect to pay, it is right. Give him the money-give him he is not a great civilian Well , I am not dispu- | make by opposing this resolution? What great

the pay--give him the rank-let your economy be

better directed. ting that. Themistocles could not “ play the fid- political effect is this opposition to achieve? dle, but he could make a small town a great city.'

There was something said about magnanimity I see, Mr. Chairman, from the impatient wag General Scott cannot make political speeches, but yesterday, I understood the word magnanimity of your hammer, that my hour is about expiring

to be scoffed at, scorned, and scouted in this Hall; How much time have I?" he can win great battles—that is better. I come now to consider the political aspect of

but still it remains in the vocabulary of our lan- The CHAIRMAN. Only two minutes. this resolution. I tell the Democracy in all kind- guage, and has a meaning. I heard a gentleman Mr. SMITH. Then I omit many things, and ness, that they are making a small business of this, | plicable to General Scott

. If that word (meaning, Ohio, Mr. Cartter.) He talked yesterday about

here yesterday use the word “whipped," as ap- must pay my respects to the gentleman from and of themselves, by opposing it. I speak it as a friend—not as an enemy; for I challenge any selected, I think it was ungenerous to use it. Was

as it does, to lacerate with stripes) was carefully the “heraldry of nobility," and titles, and mock man in this Hall to compare votes with me upon

legislation, and moved an amendment, to insert the all questions involving Democratic policy. But I

it liberal, I ask, to go through the vocabulary and word “lord," so as to make it read “ Lord Lieucannot make this a political question. Let us in

select such a degrading phrase? Why not say tenant General Winfield Scott.” Well, now, I quire if it was made a political question in the

“defeated ?” Everybody understands that, and merely want to suggest as an amendment to that, it would have been respectful.

the better to suit the taste of that gentleman, to Senate.

Well, you have defeated General Scott in an insert after the words “lord lieutenant general,' open conflict, and what do you propose to do now? the words "Louis Kossuth alias Alexander Smith.'

He is not asking anything at your hands. The Great laughter, and cries of “Bravo!” “Bravo!!! I here (unrolling a list of the senatorial vote] || Democracy at the other end of the Capitol, headed | The gentleman (Mr. CARTTER) was a hero in the show you a gallant roll of the standard Demo- || by the Military Committee and advised by a board Kossuth contest in this House. Was that mock crats in the country, who voted for this bill in l of distinguished officers of the Army, who were

legislation or not? A member of Congress and a the Senate. I begin with Atchison, the President

selected at the Senate's request, are asking this native of this country, advocating the rewarding of the Senate; then Butler, of South Carolina; 1 honor for General Scott. He is your defeated

of a mere runaway governor with honors unheard there is General Cass, a long distinguished chief; || competitor. How will you treat him? Will you of and unprecedented before in this Hall, inducing then I come to Clemens, of Alabama, the mover imitate the ancients who put Regulus in a spiked the Congress of the nation to stand up uncovered and father of this resolution-a young statesman,

barrel and rolled it down hill? Will you imitate in the gorgeous presence of that arrogant foreigner, a gallant colonel in the Army in Mexico; a man

the Romans who chained Jugurtha to the wheels to get a peep at his sword, and a far off-vision of whose genius has made him a peer among Sena

of the triumphal car and dragged him through the the train of monkeys that made up his foreign tors, and whore genuine Democracy has never

streets of Rome and thrust him into a dungeon? suite. The same gentleman, on this occasion, been disputed except by the slaves of faction. 1 Will you send him to a far-off island in the ocean, I speaks against a resolution conferring on one of come then to De Saussure, of South Carolina; is it under a perpetual guard, as the British did the

hís own countrymen a mere military badge of possible that the South Carolina delegation in this grand Napoleon? How will you treat him? Do honor, which is dearer to a soldier's heart than House will vote against this resolution? I come

you remember the anecdote told of Alexander and anything except a victory! Sir, I think the gentlethen to the two Dodges, old and young in Democ- Porus, familiar to the school children of the day,

man from Ohio is a proper man to talk about the racy-a noble father and a noble son! I come

but which may be forgotten by politicans: When heraldry of nobility," and " mock legislation." then to Gwin, of California, and then to Hunter,

Alexander defeated and overthrew Porus, the In-
of Virginia. I do not speak of Mr. Hunter as a
dian king was brought a prisoner to the con-

ACQUISITION OF CUBA-CANADA.
Senator merely; I speak of him as a prospective l queror and asked how he desired to be treated ?
Secretary of State- leader not only of the De-

You all remember the answer: “ Treat me like a mocracy, but a leader in the grand councils of the king." The gallant response will never be for- SPEECH OF HON. HIRAM BELL, incoming Executive. Is any man ashamed now, | gotten. The reward of the gallant response will never be forgotten. He was treated like a king.

OF OHIO, upon the question of Democracy, to sit side by

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, side with these men ? Then, sir, there is Mason, | How will you treat General Scott? Why, treat of Virginia. What will the Virginia delegation do him like a hero, as he is.

January 10, 1853, here? Are they a unit in opposition to this reso

Sir, in all the speeches that have been made

In the Committee of the Whole on the state of the lution? Do they stoop to make it a party ques- here, on this subject, I have not heard a solitary

Union, on the annexation of Cuba, Canada, &c. tion? Then there is General Rusk-a hero worthy substantial objection to the passage of this resolu

Mr. BELL said: of the soil he represents, and a Democrat. He

tion. Ah! but gentlemen say he has got glory Mr. CHAIRMAN: I presume I shall not trespass voted for it, too. Then there is General Shields, I enough. He has got the history—the record-the not only a Democrat, not only a Senator, but a “ brevet of glory.'

upon the time of this committee beyond the usual

time allotted upon such occasions. I rise now soldier with a bullet through hís body, received at

mainly for the purpose of entering my protest beCerro Gordo—the hero of the heights-living Well, there is something in that. "The brevet fore this House, and before the public, in relation to through extraordinary mercy, preserved by a mir- of glory” is a beautiful and poetical phrase, for some positions which have been assumed as adacle, to be permitted to utter the praises of his which 1 am indebted to my young friend from mitted by honorable members of this House. And noble commander in the grandest council of the Virginia, (Mr. CLEMENS,) in an incidental remark. I should not consider that necessary, were it not world. How nobly he does it, with the character- We know that when General Scott goes to the for the fact, that upon former occasions, the popistic magnanimity of an Irish gentleman! What grave, he will be rewarded. We cannot look upon ular acquiescence in opinions in relation to, and else do you want to make it a Democratic meas- the monuments springing up around us in this city, constructions of former acts of Congress have ure? Ah, but there is another side to this picture, | in memory of the great heroic DEAD; we cannot look been considered as an assent to those declarations. which I will present to southern Democrats. forward to what is to happen here on the eighth of | We have been told by honorable members of this

I beg them to view the other side of this picture. | January, (the inauguration of the Jackson statue,) House, that the people of this country were for There were thirty-four Senators in favor of this without being convinced that when he is dead, he annexation of Cuba; that they were for progress; resolution, and twelve against it. Who were the will be rewarded. But reward him while he lives. || that they were for the extension of the country; twelve? John P. Hale was one of them. I speak | The eyes of the dead cannot see these lofty pil- and even some have gone so far, without a limit of him, not as a Senator merely, but as a compet- | lars of renown. The ears of the dead cannot as regards time, as to express themselves in favor itor of General Scott in the late contest. He voted hear the shouts of the living millions. Give him of taking the balance of Mexico. That may against this resolution. I come next to the name his reward while he needs it. He has now all all be right; but I would inquire of honorable of Mr. Chase, of Ohio. He, too, voted against the advantages of posterity. Posterity is to him, gentlemen who entertain those sentiments, and it. I am talking now to southern Democrats. as it is to all, a dream, á fiction to be realized send them abroad, upon what pretext are we to CHARLES SUMNER, also voted against it. Now, by imagination, if realized at all.

of mankind to

acquire this territory? Why are we talking about

the conquest of Cuba? Perhaps some gentlemen Cass and BUTLER, and SHIELDS and ATCHISON || neglect merit, is found in the touching incident of may say that they are not in favor of a war; why, and CLEMENS, or will you squeeze yourselves | the death of the young poet, Keats, who died of a then, are we-the representatives of this nation down between Hale and CHASE? Let southern Il crushed heart, from the scorn of a cold world. sending abroad to the world an expression of .

REWARDING THE DEAD.

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small]

the legislative branch of this Government, that the doctrines of Washington and Jefferson, and as described in his own language, of his opposiwe are in favor of taking possession of territory to which we admit we have no right, and to the trust they will be willing to abandon also all claim be acquired peaceably. His language is as folacquisition of which we have not the shadow of a to the name they have so proudly heretofore lows: pretext? I ask you, Mr. Chairman, if that is a sought to be known by, whether be Whig or of

“Besides, in what condition would Cuba be to justify portion of the present Democratic creed? Are we the old line Democrat.

her admission into the Union? There is a white populain a state of war with Spain? No, sir. On the Again, I would request of those persons who ad- tion, native to the island, or permanently settled, amountcontrary, we are at peace, and professing the most vocate this new policy, to look a little at the results ing to near six hundred thousand, (double that of the white

population of South Carolina, in a territory litte larger than amicable relations toward that Government. How, and effects of that policy. Will Cuba be acquired our State,) not one of whom ever exercised a political franthen, are we to have an opportunity of accom- and annexed, and form a part of this Government, chise, or ever took a share in public affairs, other than to plishing what it is said upon this floor the people without a war? No, sir; the correspondence be

submit to the power and shout around the chariot wheets of this country are in favor of? Are we to hatch tween the Ministers of France, England, and

of established authority. We propose lo drive out all those up some pretext for a disturbance with that coun- the Government of the United States has already fore only had experience of unquestioning submission, we

who have ever held rule; and of those who have heretotry? Why, it would seem to look like it. And, settled that. Suppose, then, that there were an propose to make a democratic republic, and this in the face sir, what effect would such a state of things have attempt to acquire it by a war, that war would not of iwo hundred thousand free blacks, and four hundred upon our national character, but to dishonor it in be terminated in a month nor a year, when this

thousand slaves, freshly imported from Africa. Among all

the recent abortive attempts at free governdients in Europe, the opinion of all christendom? I stand here, as Government shall be involved with Spain and two was there a single one coinmenced under such desperate one of the Representatives of this House, of this of the most powerful nations upon the European auspices as this? Is it not absolutely certain that to prenation, and especially of the State from whence I continent in such a war. And those Governments serve order in such a community, an army would be necescome, to protest against all such doctrines. I tell have already informed us, through their authorized

sary? And where there was an army for the purpose of

domestic peace and civil rule, could there be a State? you, sir,—and in doing so, I would wish to send agents, that they will never consent to the relin- Would we admit into the Union a State which had no it abroad throughout the length and breadth of quishment or control and government of that island power of self government, but was in the hands of the Unithis and other lands,-that these are not the senti- to or by any other nation than Spain. Suppose, ied States Army and Navy?! ments of the people of this country. They never however, that all could be accomplished which Here, Mr. Chairman, is the opinion of a southhave been the sentiments of our people, and I trust those visionary gentlemen imagine, would it be the ern man, who is well acquainted with the characthey never will.

true policy of this Government to acquire this ter, the condition, the habits, and the feelings of We hear it said in high places that we are to island either by conquest or by peaceful negotia- that people. He says that they are unfit to be atacquire all this territory—that we are to aggran. tion?

tached to this Government, and that those who dize ourselves by the acquisition of that which To answer this question I need only refer you, || lay any claims to intelligence and information, are does not now belong to us, and of which there is sir, to those who live nearest, to those who appear to of that class who would be banished from the no possible evidence that we have any right to be the best informed, and residing in the southern island, whenever it changed its government. assume to claim. Why, they say it is our des- States, to candid men, who say that they con- It is now proposed by the advocates of that tiny as a nation—our manifest destiny! Why, sir, sider that the acquisition of Cuba, whether peace- measure, that we shall take that class of populaI have heard of spiritual rappers, and I believe ably or by conquest, would be an injury and a tion, and make them a part and parcel of this they affect to reveal destiny; but I would like to curse to this Government. Have they not reason country—a class of people worse than slaves, more know if, at this day, we are to risk the future pol- to suppose so? Would Cuba come into this vicious and less informed—and that is claimed by icy of this Government upon the pretended reve- Union as a slave State, or as a non-slaveholding some to be democratic doctrine. What, attach a lations of this class of impostors? If not, shall State? And that, sir, brings up the great ques- class of people, that so far as they have any we sanction these schemes of unlimited annexa- tion, the agitation of which has heretofore endan- | knowledge, are antagonistic in their principles, tion of territory, under the plea of "destiny,” | gered the perpetuity of this Union, as we have their prejudices, and their feelings, to every prinwhich have at least as sandy a foundation as those been told, and which we have no reason to doubt, ciple of this republican Government! They come taught by the delusions of the class just referred considering the authority from which it comes, in as copartners! That, sir, may be the democrato? I hope not, sir. But, Mr. Chairman, if we and considering the evidence which we have all cy of the present day, but it was not the doctrine were to pursue and adopt this policy which is sugaround us. We cannot shut our eyes, nor can

of our forefathers. gested as our interest and as our manifest destiny- we close our ears to the evidence on all hands But, sir, there is a country and there is a people if we were to assume that we were to become che which convinces us that the reagitation of similar competent for self-government, that are prepared possessors of Cuba, would it not be well to cast questions must shake the nation to its center. to take upon themselves the responsibilities of freeabout us before we settled down upon the fact that Why, sir, there is hardly any one who con- men, and which we may find for our interest to such is our manifest destiny as a nation, and as- templates the subject, who looks at the latitude receive among us—I mean peaceably—and allow certain how we are going to acquire it? Are we to and location of that island, who knows the char- them to become a part and parcel of this country, acquire that island by conquest or by treaty, or acter of its inhabitants and their capacity, that and I care not how soon. I refer, Mr. Chairman, other peaceful arrangements? The consideration would doubt for a moment, if it comes into this to the whole British possessions upon the north, of these questions requires us to look at the policy Union, that it would be a slaveholding territory, | containing an area of two millions two hundred the Government must adopt to accomplish the pro- | although it is urged here by many that we should and fifty-iwo thousand three hundred and ninetyposed object by either means.

acquire Cuba and seek to bring it under the control five sque re miles. There is something worth lookThe first is, is it the interest or the duty of of this Government, because by that means we

ing at.

here are two millions six hundred and this nation to pursue the course of policy recom- would have the power and the means of abolishing | fifty-two thousand of people, bone, as it were, of mended by and carried out in the administration the slave trade.

our bone, flesh of our flesh, deriving their origin of Washington, and the fathers of this country, That may answer as an excuse for some, with from the same Anglo-Saxon source, a large class and continued from the organization of this Gov. which to satisfy a portion of their constituents. of them disciplined in that school which is calculaernment down to the present time; or are we to

But when I hear it urged by my honorable friend ted to train them up as independent freemen, and change that course of policy which has rendered from North Carolina (Mr. VenABLE) as an argu- all anxious and ready to come into the possession us so prosperous as a nation, and launch our boat ment to the South that they should go against the of the enjoyment of those great principles which upon the wide and boundless ocean of annexation acquisition of Cuba, because, if that island should we are now enjoying. I say it may be for our adand conquest? We must adopt one or the other. be acquired by the United States, the slave trade vantage to acquire that country and that people, if Why, sir, what, in former times, was considered would be entirely abolished, and as a consequence, we can peaceably. They are near three millions, the republican, the democratic, the national doc- the means which they now have of keeping up their scattered over a large territory, sufficient in extent trines and interests of this country? Was a peace- proportion of slave labor would cease, and slavery to make several States, and possessing as healthy a ful administration of the Government repudiated ? | eventually be extinguished; and when I hear a climate, and a large part of it as rich a soil as any in Were colonial possessions sought ? Were en. directly opposite reason urged from honorable the world. Then, sir, by the accomplishment of tangling alliances with any nations recommended gentlemen from other portions of the country, I may that matter, and the attaching it as a part of this as the policy beneficial to the Republic ? No, sir. well hold a doubt of the soundness of those sup- Union, you banish all the vast expense of main'The opposite policy was inculcated, and practical positions or arguments, that if Cuba should be taining fortifications upon your porthern borders, ly carried out by the framers of the Government; admitted, it would either be a free State or secure and save the millions of dollars now thrown and in the pursuit of that policy, this nation has the abolition of the slave trade.

away in keeping up your custom-houses upon the grown to be what it is, where every citizen is Mr. Chairman, I would not pretend to say but borders of the North; you give to yourself ine free proud to be known as an American citizen, what the time may come when it may be neces- navigation of that mighty stream of the North, the wherever he may be found. In whatever quarter sary for this couniry to hold Cuba; and not only St. Lawrence. You give to yourself the sole conof the world he may be, those stars and stripes, Cuba, but other islands of the ocean, and other trol and command of that channel, and of that with their ample folds, protect him, and secure to countries. I do not know why we should have bay at its mouth, with the great chain of lakes or him his rights. I say the advocates of this new our attention so exclusively turned to the Island || inland seas which nature has formed for a ready doctrine must adopt one of these two courses of of Cuba. Why, sir, what is there in that island and direct communication and navigation for the policy. If they are in favor of abandoning the that should absorb our whole attention? If we commerce of this northern territory to the ocean; policy of Washington, and of changing the entire could have her peaceably, and at our own option, and you welcome near three millions of people, policy of the country, and seek by conquest the and take her to-day, would it be a blessing io us? who are like brethren, into this family, to form a extension of our territorial limits, and as a conse- I think not. I am bold to declare that I believe part and parcel of this Republic, thereby adding quence with holding the necessary protection and that if we could have Cuba without war, with all strength and vigor to the body-politic. promotion of the interests of our people at home, | the advantages and disadvantages to this Govern- Here, sir, is something worth turning the attenwho have the first claims upon our Government ment, it would be a curse—an injury, and preju- tion of this nation to. Great Britain can have no and its sympathies, and who are already under dicial to our institutions.

object in holding the rule over these northern colour control,--if they are prepared to say they are But, sir, I wish to read the opinions of a south- onies, except national pride. in favor of changing the policy, and abandoning || ern man, the editor of the Charleston Mercury, Meet this question fairly frankly, and say to 320 CONG.....2p Sess.

Acquisition of CubaCanada-Mr. Bell.

Ho. OF REPS.

them, we are not going to war with you for this citizens and their property, under their local in- passed by Congress since this Constitution was territory and these people; you have rights to all stitutions, as guarantied to them by the Consti- framed. Not at all. Since the beginning of this these. Would not the interests of these great tution and laws of this country, shall enjoy equal | Government the great principle in controversy be nations be promoted and benefited by your with protection with those of the North; still, I say to tween the North and South was never settled until drawing all claim to them, or over the territory, | the advocates of this measure, whether from the 1850. The gentleman asks where I gotthe authorand permit these colonies, if they choose, to be 1) North or South, East or West, that the people of ity that it was settled. ! got it in the act making a come a part and parcel of this Government, and the free States never will consent to the addition Territorial Government in Utah and New Mexico, link their destinies with this nation?

of slaveholding territory, simply for securing the in which it is expressly declared that the people By the annexation of this territory on the north balance of power or the extension of territory. of these Territories, when they desire to come into you would increase your navigation and commer- While they desire to protect their southern breth- the Union, can come in with or without slavery, cial interest, and the value of every foot of soil in ren in all of their rights, they will oppose the as they please. As I stated before, it was the first that country fourfold. It is a fact known to those increase of slavery. And why? Because they time since the formation of this Government when who reside on our northern frontier, that land believe that by becoming responsible as the guard- that principle has been placed upon the records of within Canada of the same quality as land within || ians of additional slave territory, they will act in the Congress of the United Staies. the United States, separated only by a line of the opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, to the Mr. BELL. I repeat, again, that the settlenature of the one which divides our townships, is interest of the nation, to the progress of the age, ment of that question was a settlement of the then only worth about one quarter as much as the land and contrary to their own convictions of duty, and pending questions only, and which will go to the within the United States; and what portion of the injunctions of God Almighty. My friend credit of those men who sacrificed their personal this Union has a greater interest in the accom- from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,) asks whether they predilections for the purpose of compromise. I say plishment of that object than the States of Ohio, | did not agree to let Texas in? Surely, they did; that the settlement, as to the organization of these Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Vermont, Maine, and why? I trust they were governed by such | Territories, by its language and by its terms and New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and New York | motives as I would always ascribe to my friend | spirit, was only intended for the present time, and Consider for a moment those great lakes to the from Georgia. They were not governed by their | fixing the righis of the people of those Territories north, inland seas, surrounded by territory under own desires, but were willing to yield something as prescribed and limited by the acts adopted. the control of our own Government, instead of the for the purpose of compromising difficulties, and The very meaning of compromise is that a controlimit of a midway channel. The accomplishment | preserving the rights of all parties.

versy is not settled upon generally recognized prinof that object peacefully will strengthen this Union, Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. If similar ciples, but that there is a meeting half way of and add to its power and influence. The annexa- || questions were hereafter to arise, would they not conflicting views and opinions for the purpose of tion of that territory to this Union (to use terms | display the same compromising and national || terminating some particular question. But the of gentlemen) Destiny has ordained, and it will ere spirit?

gentleman said that the ordinance of 1787 was not long take place.

Mr. BELL. I will endeavor to answer the passed after the adoption of the Constitution. Mr. Chairman, I hope the time will not arrive | gentleman's question. He asks me, because we Does that deteriorate from the wisdom, foresight, when it may become necessary for this nation to have been liberal, and gone almost beyond the and principles of that Congress as recognized by engage in a war for the acquisition or possession of || bounds of patriotism-because we have heretofore the fathers of this Government? No! They were Cuba, or any other island or territory, for the pur- | compromised our prejudices and feelings for the fresh from Congress Hall—the hall of independpose of preserving and protecting our maritime in- | purpose of maintaining the integrity and good | ence, breathing as it were the spirit of liberty; terests or national rights. But, should that time feeling of this country, that we shall do the like and millions of human beings will hereafter, as ever come, whether brought about by European | again. I am not prepared to say what I would they have before, bless that Congress for laying diplomacy or aggression upon our rights by any not do to preserve this Union, but I would avoid down the landmarks that forbid slavery within Power, whether upon this or other continents, I testing the local prejudices of the different sections | this territory: am free to declare that I should wish this Govern- of this country. When you see breakers ahead, But, sir, what says the third and fourth sections ment to act under the circumstances as our na- keep the craft near the shore. That is the policy of the fourth article of that Constitution that my tional interests and honor should require; and if we adopt as individuals, and which we should || honorable friend has referred to? necessary to preserve these to acquire more ter- carry out as a nation. Whenever the question of Sec. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress ritory-Čuba or other territory south or north, the annexation of Cuba arises, it will not come into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected without regard to any local interests, I would say alone; it will be accompanied by the question of

within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be as an American citizen, let it be done. But now the annexation of the vast territory to the north,

formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of

States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States we are at profound peace with all the nations of and it may be that the equipoise of additions of concerned, as well as of the Congress. the world, and have no cause to quarrel about the territory will do away with apprehended danger. The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make possession of Cuba, or any other territory. I But, sir, I would avoid the aliernative of making

all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory or

other property belonging to the United States; and nothing am opposed to the agitation of this question at the the experiment.

in this constiiution shall be so construed as to prejudice any present time, because I believe it will be a renewal Mr. Chairman, my honorable friend from clains of the United States, or of any particular State. of those exciting scenes witnessed within the past | Georgia on a former occasion, if I understood

Sec. 4. The United States shall guaranty to every State few years. I am well satisfied that no Union man, him correctly, to quiet the fears that some honor

in this Union a republican form of Government, and shall

protect each of them against invasion; and on application of and especially no man who has felt that he was the || able members might have as to the danger to be the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature advocate of ihose compromise measures which, apprehended from the annexation of Cuba, said cannot be convened) against domestic violence. it was said, were calculated to preserve the Union, that the principle settled in the compromise act Then, sir, according to my construction of that can be in favor of the agitation of questions that would apply and extend to the acquisition of instrument, Congress has full power over her terwill result in bringing about the sectional feeling other territory, than that Congress was then ritory to prohibit slavery or not, as the wisdom of that existed at the passage of those measures. acting upon. I enter my protest against any that body may determine, and that right has never The annexation, or the attempt to annex Cuba, such construction. Nothing was settled by that been changed or taken away by the action of Conmust inevitably bring up those questions which act but what had reference to the territory then gress or the people, by any change in our organic were pending during the Congress preceding this | acquired.

law. one, and which were then intended to be settled Mr. STEPHENS. While I stated that the I have already addressed the committee longer by the series of measures called the compromise. | settlement covered only the territory, yet the prin- || than I intended. When I heard the remarks of It will not do to say or imagine that those ques- | ciple out of which this controversy grew was set- my friend from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,) of the tions will not arise again under similar circum- tled, and it was that this Government should never gentleman from Oregon, (Mr. LANE,) and the genstances.

interfere at all with the domestic institutions of a tleman from California, (Mr. MARSHALL,; I only I hold that it is the duty of every citizen of our foreign State, within a Territory or a State, leav- had it in view to rise and enter my protest, as one Government, when he sees danger in the advocacy | ing it for the people in the Territory to manage of the members of this House, against their conor bringing forward of a particular measure, to them as they pleased. That was the principle set- struction of that compromise. point it out at the earliest possible time; and I tled in the compromise; and by adherence to this Mr. STEPHENS. Perhaps the gentleman was would, therefore, warn these people, and especially principle, it will be utterly impossible for a con- never a friend to it. the allvocates of the annexation of Cuba, that troversy to arise.

Mr. BELL. My honorable friend from Georthere is danger in the bringing forward of such a Mr. BELL. I understand the gentleman now gia knows that I had not the honor of a seat in measure before the public mind of this country; as I did before. I did not aim to misrepresent this House at that time. Had I been a member for so soon as it is, the exciting question of slavery him. But where does he get his authority for that here at the time--for I have nothing to conceal, will be introduced. The slave population of the assumption, that the Congress preceding this was and those who know me here will give me that United States, at this time, have a representation more wise, patriotic, and had more enlarged views, credit, at least I should not have vated for all of upon this floor equal to that of the States of New or were more devoted and attached to this Govern- | those measures known as the compromise acts. Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, ment and its institutions, than that Congress which Mr. STEPHENS. That is what I expected. lowa, Wisconsin, and California; or equal to that | framed, adopted, and established the ordinance Mr. BELL. There is nothing new about that. of Indiana and Illinois; or equal to the entire rep- of 1787, for governing the territory northwest of But, sir, if the question was now pending whether resentation of the State of Ohio. And the annex- the river Ohio? Let the fruits of that ordinance | that law, which was considered the most objecation of Cuba would add to the slave representa-speak. Let that mighty Northwest, with its teem- | tionable, should now be repealed, I should say no. tion in Congress equal to four additional members. ing millions of population and its wonderful im- || As I have said to my constituents, give us peace,

Now, however much we may desire-and I provements, speak'as to the result and the benefits give us quiet, although there are some things in claim to be one of those who desire that the of that ordinance. There we have an evidence of that act which I believe wrong, and contrary to laws of Congress shall be faithfully administered the fruits and benefits of the wisdom of that ordi- || principles of justice. But I would forego those and executed, affording equal protection to the nance, which said that no slave should live north | objections, and I would not agitate the subject. I rights of citizens of one State, as well as to west of the Ohio river.

would not now repeal the act, but give it a fair those of another--that the southern States, their Mr. STEPHENS. That ordinance was not | trial.

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small]

ers,

Mr. STEPHENS. What are those great prin- | broken up about as soon as it was formed, and honor to General Scott is, that all the other Amer. ciples?

before half of four years shall roll around. ican generals who were engaged in the late war Mr. BELL. I have not time to answer my Mr. Chairman, some honorable members upon with Mexico have been rewarded by higher titles, friend. They will show for themselves. When the other side of the House have spoken about the and that he alone has not received any higher I said I have nothing to conceal, is it because the defeat and disbanding of the Whig party. It is title or honor from the American Government. compromise acts appear to have become popular, true, sir, we have been defeated, but not conquered. Well, sir, just look at that proposition, and see and I could easily fall in with the popular cry: No person is deserving the name of Whig, unless where it will lead you to. 'General Scott has No; I will do what I believe to be right if I stand he can bear defeat in defending his principles. 1 heretofore received the highest military title that alone; and when I say I would not agitate it, but believe it to be the duty of the Whigs, as well as is known to the laws of the United States. Why, let it remain for the present, this opinion may run every other citizen, to sustain an Administration, sir, with the same propriety you might urge the counter to the views of many of my constituents. | whether of our friends or opponents, in all meas- granting of a higher title to a faithful President. But I tell you the views of the great mass of my ures we think are calculated to promote the interest When a man is elected to the Presidency of the constituents, and of the people generally in my of our common country; as well as to oppose United States, he has attained the top of the ladState, are, let it alone until it has a fair trial. What all that we believe prejudicial. The Whig party der; and if you desire to create new titles and I desire now is, that those who claim to be such dead? No, sir-No, sir! As long as the prin- || honors for the reward of eminent services, you warm friends of the compromise, as well as those ciples of Washington and our revolutionary sires will be compelled to add to the title of President who opposed them, shall, by the influence of their are revered and esteemed—as long as our repub- that of Emperor. Our republican institutions, sir, · votes and voices, prevent the agitation of similarlican form of Government shall last-the Whig know no titles of honor.' We give names to our questions, which gave rise to so much excitement party will continue to exist, to support and main-military officers because names are necessary; and recrimination of feeling.

tain those principles

sustain and support the Re- | hence, we call General Scott major general. He Mr. Chairman, there are some other questions public and our glorious institutions.

has now the highest military position that can be that have been discussed before this committee

conferred upon him by the American people

that that I should like to say something about, but my

of Commander-in-Chief of the American forces. time has nearly expired, and I can only refer to

LIEUTENANT GENERAL, &c.

But, asked a gentleman upon this floor, the other them briefly. I regret, sir, that some of the opponents of the measure proposing to confer the

day, if you do not confer additional titles and SPEECH OF HON. C. SKELTON,

honors, and do justice to our military commandtitle of lieutenant general upon General Scott, have

OF NEW YORK,

will our military commanders fight the batdeemed it necessary in their opposition to attack IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

tles of our country? I ask that gentleman if or consider the private character of that old veteran hero. For it is hard to entirely separate, in this

January 10, 1853.

General Scott has been fighting for the title of

lieutenant general? Would General Scott have country, the public and private character of our

The House being in Committee of the Whole on

fought the battles of his country better if he had citizens and Officers; and the history and public the state of the Union on the bill making appro- been sure that title would have been conferred upon character and services of General Scott, for the last priations to supply deficiencies in the appropria- him?

Is it for empty titles that our generals forty years, have become a part and parcel of the Lions for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1854–

fight? Sir, if so, the sooner we get rid of them history of this Government. His services and Mr. SKELTON said:

as a class the better. They are not republicans sacrifices are known to the people of this country, Mr. : , upon this if and the more they are canvassed and examined,

titles and honors. The American nation knows the higher will they be appreciated by his country- | this committee, for the discussion of subjects not || no honorary titles. We abhor them as anti-demmen. Although he has been defeated for the high || immediately under consideration. My apology ocratic, and in contravention with our republican civil office for which his political friends had placed for thus departing from what I conceive to be the institutions. him in nomination, yet there has been instances correct rule with regard to the business of this Sir, is it necessary that this title should be creabefore of temporary defeat being the harbinger | House is, that the propositions which I design to ted at the present time, to improve and to benefit final success.

discuss on this occasion are about to be thrust be- || the military service of our country? If it was—if Some honorable members have given vent to fore this House without an opportunity of discus- a useful purpose to the interests of the country their indignation before the committee in attackssing them when they are presented. I am, there. could be accomplished by it, I should be willing upon the present Administration, as well as Gen- || fore, placed in this position, that I have either to to entertain the proposition and to consider it. eral Taylor's, in regard to our foreign relations. avail myself of the latitude allowed in Committee But, sir, we are in a state of profound peace. But, when the official papers are brought forward, of the Whole on the state of the Union, or to fore- General Scott has all the power as commander-init appears that all the charges they prefer against go entirely an expression of sentiment upon ques- | chief that can be conferred upon him even with General Tayloror President Fillmore's administra- tions which I believe to be of vital importance to higher titles and honors. Hence, the proposition, tion, if they have any foundation at all, are appli- | the best interests of my country.

stripped and presented in its tre aspect, is one cable only and apply to their own friends and their Sir, we have for some days past had a proposi- || simply to flatter the vanity of a man who is now own party, and that the present, as well as Gen- tion pending before this House, by a motion for a at the head of the American Army. Sir, it is beeral Taylor's Cabinet, have, with master wisdom, 1) suspension of the rules, to introduce a bill from neath the American nation to flatter the vanity of maintained our interests and foreign relations with the Senate, which has passed that body by a large any man. Render to every man the meed of just a watchful care and truly American spirit. But majority, granting the title of lieutenant general praise for his deeds of daring and bravery, but why, sir,--since the elections are over, and there is to General Scott. I propose, sir, if my time will withhold that which creates vanity and elevates a now no longer any political capital to be made,- admit of it, briefly to glance at that proposition, man above his true position and his country. why all these unfounded charges, and of a charac- and one or two other propositions now pending But, sir, this proposition embraces a very imter that should only be expected preceding a great before the Senate, and which are likely to be pre- | portant political principle. Our country is but in political campaign for political effect? I will tellsented to this House before the close of the present its infancy. Our republican institutions and our you.

session-propositions which stand connected to- Government, although we possess immense power The triumphant party in the last political strug- l gether, embracing one general principle of policy, and resources, are yet in their forming stage. gle, now made up of not only the Democratic party and tending to and aiming at the same end. 'i Shall we as an American people be true to our proper, but of all the discordant elements in pro- || speak of the bill granting the title of lieutenant || principles of integrity, humility, honesty and refessed political creeds in the country,-brought | general, of the bill pending in the Senate creating publicanism; or shall we go abroad to the rotten together upon the celebrated Baltimore platform, a retired list in our Army and Navy, and of another nations of the Old World and take pattern after and in which each section claims a plank, and proposition which has been recently introduced the monarchies of Europe that have for ages opbrought upon that platform by the cohesive power into the Senate to increase the salaries of our foreign | pressed and crushed the laboring masses of the of the love of office, and not by any great principle ministers. One or all of these propositions, I pro- | nations. This is the question presented to the that they held in common,-this new party are pose very briefly to discuss—all of them if my American people: Shall we administer our Govabout to take upon themselves the entire responsi- / time will permit.

ernment with simplicity and economy-giving to bility of the administration of this Government, Mr. Chairman, in discussing the proposition to every man a just meed of praise, and empty titles executive as well as legislative, the latter of which grant the title of lieutenant general to General to none; or shall we go on worshipping military they already have. This party of the last can- Scott-for it is understood that the office or the glory and military heroism, and departing from the vass, having advocated as many different political honor will be conferred upon him if the bill shall | straightforward, upright path of republican simdoctrines as there are different sections or localities pass this House - I do not propose to enter into any plicity? Why, sir, who will hesitate a moment of the country, know well that all of their different consideration of the merits or demerits of General io condemn these things? How have we got and antagonistic political theories cannot be adopt- | Scott as a military commander. A question in re- them? From whence have we obtained them? ed and carried out by the incoming Administration. I gard to the merits or demerits of General Scott is The gentleman from Alabama (Mr. SMITH) gave Hence the necessity of getting up new issues and not one that I believe would be appropriate to this us a succinct history of the life and services of the talking about any and everything, but especially to House at the present time. General Scott is an great English general, the Duke of Wellington, make some charge against the Administration, to American general, known to the American people. || showing with what rapidity the British Governturn the attention of the people from the acts of the He is an individual to whose reputation the future ment heaped titles and honors upon him, and not Democratic Party, or in other words, the Pierce historian of our country will do justice, and, for only titles and honors, but emoluments and wealth party, until after there should be a division of the that reason, whatever remarks I may make will sufficient to have broken the back of any man save spoils, and prevent a disruption of their party: not be considered as personal to General Scott, || General Scott or Lord Wellington, Such a game, however, will not take this time. I either asserting or denying his merits or demerits. Sir, the British Government piled upon Welwould just say to our Democratic friends on the 1 object to this proposition as a precedent—as a lington an immense revenue, drawn from the hard other side of the House, employing the terms great leading measure in the policy of this great earnings of the laboring, masses of England, ta used by some, that “destiny" has settled the American Republic. The only argument that I || fatten and pamper him in luxury and idleness, question that their party is to be divided and have heard urged here in favor of granting this Now, sir, shall we follow in the footsteps of these

« PreviousContinue »