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Petition from Glasgow, &c. lawyer as he was, could have sanctioned such a prosecution. This enquiry was due to the country. The country owed much to captain Tomlinson. It was due to the country, because he was a proscribed man, and was deprived of an honourable employment in the service of that country which so often he had gallantly defended. Mr. Croker again explained. He had not argued the case to prove captain Tomlinson's guilt, but to shew that the Navy Board had grounds for what they did.

Mr. Whitbread stated, that the speech of the hon. Secretary had exactly the effect as if he had argued against captain Tomlinson.

Lord Cochrane wished an investigation not only for the sake of the individual member, but of the profession to which he belonged. He had heard him universally well spoken of, not only as a gallant officer, but as a moral and conscientious gentleman.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer hoped the House would not be misled by their feelings to enter upon a jurisdiction quite new to them. It was impossible for the House to take upon themselves the functions of a court.

Mr. Abercromby thought captain Tomlinson placed in a very unfortunate situation. His name had been introduced be. fore into the discussions of that House, and the Secretary of the Admiralty, not an ordinary member, had misrepresented his case. The correction ought to have the same notoriety. Might not a naval court of enquiry be appointed on the recommendation of a Committee of that House?

Mr. Yorke observed, that if that which the last speaker had recommended were done, it still could not be brought before a court martial, as the circumstance happened 15 years ago, and therefore such a proceeding would be contrary to the articles of war.

Sir F. Burdett said, that as captain Tomlinson was aspersed by a charge of participating in the embezzlement of the public money, the House was called upon to go into an enquiry.

Mr. Lyttleton considered captain Tomlinson as having suffered a most extraordinary hardship, and parliament he thought would dishonour itself by not adopting investigation.

Mr. Westerne shortly replied; after which the House divided.

For the Motion.....................31
Against it.............

Majority...................

..53

22

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, March 25.

PETITION FROM GLASGOW RESPECTING THE RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.] Mr. Houston presented a Petition from the lord provost, magistrates, and common council of the city of Glasgow, in council assembled, setting forth,

"That in the view of the approaching expiration of the charter of the united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, the Petitioners beg leave respectfully to convey to the House their sentiments and wishes on this important subject, a subject which, at the present crisis, is so highly interesting to the city of Glasgow, as well as to the empire at large; and that in addressing the en lightened legislature of this country, the Petitioners deem it quite unnecessary to use any arguments farther than an appeal to the experience of past ages to prove the general inexpediency of commercial monopolies; the Petitioners presume not to offer any suggestions relative to the future government, civil and military, of the British possessions in India; and they disclaim any interference whatever with the existence of the East India Company as a trading corporation, or with its internal arrangements, and foreign and domestic establishments; all they humbly propose is, that the exclusive privileges of the Company may not be renewed or continued, and that the trade to the vast countries between the Cape of Good Hope and the Streights of Magellan may be laid open to the commercial enterprize of all the subjects of the empire; and that not only the inhabitants of the United States of America, but also the subjects of all other governments in amity with this country, should have been admitted to commercial intercourse with the British possessions in India, while British subjects were excluded, appears an unnatural and extremely hard, if not an unjust arrange. ment, and, at the present period, when our inveterate enemy is exerting all his power to debar this nation from commerce with the continent of Europe, the continuation of such a system would be peculiarly inexpedient; the admission of a free and unfettered trade with the very large proportion of the population of the, globe, comprehended under the exclusive grant of the East India Company, fortu nately presents a substitute for the partial

and temporary loss of European commerce; it will afford an extensive field for the employment of mercantile talents and capital beyond the tyrannical grasp of the enemy; and to the opening of such a field, at such a conjuncture, it is not easy to foresee any well-founded objection, especially when there is strong reason to believe, that the capital of the East India Company is not adequate to the trade, and when it appears that the Company has, since the last renewal of its charter, added greatly to its debt; and that the monopoly has not proved advantageous even to the trading corporation, for whose behoof it was granted; and praying the House, in its wisdom, to adopt such measures as may render it lawful for any of his majesty's subjects, from and after the 1st day of March, 1814, to carry on from any of the ports of the united kingdom a free and unlimited trade with the British possessions in India, and with the other countries situated to the east of the Cape of Good Hope and to the west of Cape Horn."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

SPECTING

mer was then called to the bar, and examined by the Speaker.

Mr. Palmer stated, that he was ordered to attend the Committee on Monday; that he was arrested a little after four in the afternoon of that day, having left the Committee a little before four; that he lived at Limehouse: that he was arrested in Blackfriar's-road, going to call on his brotherin-law Mr. Campbell; that Grace, the sheriff's officer, arrested him, that he shewed Grace the order for his attendance on the Committee; that Grace said, he was obliged to take him, although he expressed no doubt of the authenticity of the order; that he told Grace he was going back to the House of Commons for a letter from the Chairman of the Committee; that he had been instructed by the Committee to go to Mr. Campbell, who was in custody in the neighbourhood of Blackfriars'-road, and to return to the House, where he would find either the Chairman of the Committee or a note from him; that while acting under these directions, and returning from Mr. Campbell, he was arrested: and that he had in vain stated all these circumstances to the officer.-The Witness having withdrawn,

Mr. Eden observed, that before he moved to call in Grace, he would state to the House, the object of the Committee, in sending Mr. Palmer to Mr. Campbelt. During the examination of Mr. Palmer before the Committee, that gentleman received information, that his brother-in-law, Mr. Campbell, had been arrested on his way to attend the Committee as a witness. They conceiving it to be their duty, in maintenance of the privileges of parliament, to bring the fact before the House, requested Mr. Palmer to go to Mr. Campbell, and to prevent him from endeavours ing to procure his discharge by bail.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE-COMPLAINT REA WITNESS BEING ARRESTED.] On the motion of Mr. Eden, Mr. Dan was called to the bar, and examined by the Speaker. Mr. Dan stated, that he was an attorney, that in consequence of his orders Hindson, the sheriff's officer, had been instructed to arrest Mr. Campbell; that after the arrest, Hindson came to him with a paper, which he said, Campbell offered as his protection from arrest; that the paper shewn to him by the clerk (the order of the Committee for Mr. Campbell's attendance as a witness) was that paper; that he conceived it was a trick to facilitate escape; that he also doubted, if authentic, whether it was an essential protection; The Chancellor of the Exchequer, on this because Mr. Campbell was arrested, not statement, was inclined to think that Mr. in going to the Committee, but on his re- Palmer, when arrested, could not be conturn home; that the Committee was not sidered as a witness, but as a messenger, described in the paper as a Committee of and doubted whether under those circumthe House of Commons, and that the resistances he was entitled to protection. dence of Mr. Campbell was not specified. Having withdrawn,

Mr. Eden said, that Mr. Dan's statement had been so satisfactory, that he was sure the House would agree to his motion for discharging that gentleman from any further attendance.

Mr. Eden argued by analogy, from the practice of courts of law, that Mr. Palmer was entitled to protection, and stated two cases in support of his argument. The one was of a person whose cause was put off early in the morning, but who, not returning home until evening, was on his return Mr. Dan was accordingly discharged, arrested; the other was of a woman, as was also Hindson, the sheriff's officer. whose cause was decided on a Friday, but On the motion of Mr. Eden, Mr. Pal-who, waiting until Saturday for a stage in

nesses from returning home by any other than the straight course.

which to return home, was arrested in getting into the stage. In both those cases the courts decided, that the individuals were entitled to protection.

Mr. Wynn said, that this was a novel case; but the inclination of his mind was, that Mr. Palmer ought to be protected. He had been ordered by the Committee to do a particular act before his return home, and was therefore not released from his attendance at the time of his arrest.

Mr. Stephen was of opinion, that had the suspension of Mr. Paliner's return home been his own choice, he would not have been entitled to the privilege of protection; but it was evidently the act of the Committee.

Mr. Eden also trusted, that the House would consider the deviation of Mr. Palmer from the straight line of his return sufficiently accounted for, and that they would give him the benefit of protection,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, it such were the wish of the House, expressed his entire acquiescence in it.

Sir J. Newport thought it enigmatical that two brothers, summoned to attend the same committee, should be arrested on the same day, and on writs issued by two different attornies.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer doubted, in the first place, the power of a Committee to appoint a messenger. If, however, they had that power, his protection ought to describe him as a messenger, not as a witness. Otherwise a sheriff's officer might be involved in endless perplexities. For suppose a sheriff'sofficer met a man against whom he had a writ, going to Hampstead, and that man were to tell him, that he was sent on a message by a committee Mr. Wilberforce bore testimony to the of the House of Commons, although the character of Mr. Campbell. He underletter, which he might shew as his pro- stood that Mr. Campbell was a man of tection, was merely a summons as a wit- great worth, and considerable property. ness before that committee, it would be He had been a settler in New South Wales, hard to impose on the sheriff's officer but had been compelled, about eight years the necessity of believing such a state-age, to come over to this country to give ment. It might perhaps be expedient to postpone the further consideration of this case, in order to afford time for deliberation.

evidence on a trial, and had since been involved in difficulties by the conduct of his agent. He repeated that he had undoubted authority for stating, that Mr. Campbell was a man of most unblemished character.

Sir A. Piggott thinking it desirable, that Grace, the sheriff's officer, should be called in,

The Speaker observed, that if the case were to stand over, it must be on the principle alone. No new circumstances could appear. In old times, even before the Revolution, it had always been held to be the undoubted right of the House of Com- He was accordingly called to the bar, mons to protect from arrest, witnesses and being examined by the Speaker, summoned either to the House, or to a stated; that on Monday, at about half committee, in coming, staying, and return-past four o'clock, he arrested Mr. Palmer ing. In his view of the present question, in Charlotte street, Black-friars-road; that the character of Mr. Palmer as a messen- Mr. Palmer came to his house to enquire ger, seemed to be a secondary considera for Mr. Campbell; that he directed him tion. The House must first dispose of histo Hindson's; that he followed him to quality as a witness; that he had been in Hindson's; and that on coming out he attendance as a witness before the Com-served him with a writ; that Mr. Palmer mittee, was clear: that he was not to re- shewed him a letter, requiring his attendturn to the Committee in the capacity of a ance as a witness before a committee of witness was also clear. The question for the House of Commons, but that never the House to consider was, whether Mr. having seen such a thing before, and the Palmer was bona fide on his return home writ being of such a nature as to expose when he was arrested. If he had not taken him to the greatest risk, in the event of a more than lawful latitude-if his depar- Mr. Palmer's escape upon a false pretext, ture from the direct hne of his return was he had been compelled, with a view to his satisfactorily accounted for by the inter-own security, not to allow Mr. Palmer to vening act which had been described-go.-The sheriff's officer having with the House would have to decide whether drawn,

in that case they would cut short his pro- Mr. Eden moved, that the privileges of tection, and by doing so, forbid their wit-the House be granted to Mr. Palmer, and

that he be discharged from arrest.-Ordered.

He then moved, that Grace, the sheriff's officer, be discharged from further attendance; which was also agreed to.

SICILIAN SUBSIDY.] The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply,

Lord Castlereagh rose for the purpose of proposing the annual vote for the fulfilment of the treaty of his Majesty with the King of the Two Sicilies. He did not feel that it would be necessary for him to go at present into any details upon a subject, the line of conduct upon which seemsed so clear; but if any hon. member should require further information, he should be happy to afford it. It was now four years since this grant had first been proposed and adopted, and at this period, it would be quite superfluous for him to detain the House by a justification of the policy on which the treaty was founded. He flattered himself that those individuals who on former occasions had opposed the vote, would now concede their objections, for he had the satisfaction to state, that his Sicilian Majesty had effected an important change in his government and councils, equally favourable to his own and to the interests of Great Britain. The whole military establishment of the kingdom had been placed under the controul of lord William Bentinck, who would be enabled from the confidence that was reposed in him, and from the power with which he was invested, not only to apply the various means he possessed to the protection of the island, but even to aggression upon the common enemy. It would be almost condescending too far to attempt by any detail, to refute the foul calumny originated in France, that Great Britain had imitated the conduct of the ruler of that country in their treatment of the government of Sicily; that she had assumed all the authority of an independent state, for the purpose of appropriating to herself the resources and produce of the island of Sicily. The only design the British ministry had in view was, to discharge with strict fidelity the duties of an ally, whose anxiety was to stop the progress of an overwhelming tyranny, which would sweep away in its progress every vestige of liberty. With this design they felt themselves called upon, from circumstances of urgent necessity, for the protection not only of the independence of Sicily, but for

the security of our own army, to produce a change of the system of government; and in consequence of the representation of the British envoy for that purpose, every thing that could be expected had been conceded by the king of that island. In future, therefore, we might consider Sicily secure in itself, and as a spot from whence could be drawn most important means of annoyance to the common enemy. His lordship concluded by moving a resolution for the grant of 400,000l. to enable his Majesty to make good the treaty entered into with his Sicilian majesty.

Sir John Newport thought that a much more satisfactory explanation was due from the noble lord, on a matter of so much magnitude. He could scarcely be lieve that ministers, who on former occasions had thrust themselves forward as the friends and supporters of existing establishments, should now attempt to justify the subversion of that of Sicily. Did the noble lord mean to assert, that it was not true, that by means of the British authorities the king had been induced to abdicate his throne in favour of his son? Uninformed as he was upon the subject, judging only from appearances, he confessed that this proceeding did appear to him very similar to the conduct of Buonaparté, who forced the king of Spain to abdicate his throne in favour of his son Ferdinand, and then took advantage of it to claim Spain as his own. property. To whom was this money now proposed to be voted, paid? and to what was it applied? These were enquiries, in the present condition of our finances, of much importance; but above all, the British government should take care to make it evident to all the world, that its conduct was not similar to that of our perfidious enemy, which had justly met with the reprobation of all who dared to be impartial.

Lord Castlereagh replied, that if parlia mentary enquiry were requisite, the right, hon. baronet was too well acquainted with the forms of the House to need information how complaints were to be brought forward. If such a step should be taken, his lordship was prepared to meet the most minute investigation. He was happy to assure the Committee that there was not the slightest ground for stating, that it was even at the suggestion, much less upon the demand of the British minister, that the King of Sicily was induced to abdicate his throne in favour of his son: how it could be called an abdication he was at a loss to imagine, since it was merely

Mr. Wilberforce pointed out the distinction between the conduct of Buonaparté with regard to Spain, and of England with regard to Sicily. The pretended abdication of the throne of Spain procured by the former, was a mere hypocritical veil, under which he concealed his base and treacherous designs.

a temporary delegation of power, which might at any time be resumed by his majesty on the motives to this act his lordship would not give an opinion, but certain it was that it was wholly voluntary. The only claim made by lord William Bentinck was, that the king of Sicily should put his government upon such a footing as to make it compatible with the Mr. Stephen conceived, that the right safety of the British army, that it should hon. baronet had forgot the nature of forremain in the island. As on her part mer discussions on the subject. The ob Great Britain was anxious to discharge jections then urged to the grant were, her portion of the treaty, so on the part that it was impolitic to grant money while of Sicily it was expected that she should the peasants of Sicily were so oppressed perform hers. With regard to the ques- by the noblesse, and that this country tion, to whom the money was paid, and ought to insist upon a civil reformation in by whom it was applied, it would be suf- that kingdom, by the restitution of what ficient to answer, that it was delivered to was generally termed the rights of man. the king of Sicily and administered by his These objections had been most ably and government. If, as it seemed to be re- eloquently answered by the right hon. quired, a general explanation of the con- gentleman (Mr. Canning), then Secretary duct and policy towards our ally were ne- of State, who had said-" He trusted cessary, the transactions not only of the the House would not desire that 10,000 last, but of many preceding years, must men, with bayonets on their shoulders, be referred to; and although his lordship should set about reformation; that he did did not shrink from the investigation, he not think they were the most proper phidid not conceive that the present was the losophers to revolutionize a country, and fit opportunity for entering upon it. By teach the people the value of liberty." such a trial, he was confident, that the ster- The hon. and learned gentleman depreling metal of the national honour and cha-cated the practice of adopting gross and racter would only be rendered more bright and pure. That any comparison was to be drawn between the conduct of Great Britain and that of France it was ridiculous to contend, since while the latter had governed by lawless ambition, the former had been guided by unshaken fidelity. The steps taken by the government of this country were justified by the paramount necessity of the case.

satisfy Europe, that in rendering assistance to Sicily, the object of Great Britain was to annex the kingdom to the dominions of her ally? The change which had taken place was desirable, for it had averted the danger.

ridiculous calumnies set on foot by the enemy, as being unworthy of consideration in that House. For the moment the House began to reason upon them, those calumnies were delivered from the ridicule which otherwise would attach to them. Was it not ridiculous to assimilate the conduct of Great Britain in respect to Sicily with that of Buonaparté towards Spain? The right hon. baronet wished for further Sir J. Newport again adverted to the re-information, but was it really necessary to sistance given by ministers to his suggestion on a former occasion, that Sicily should be governed by British authorities. Immediately afterwards, however, the British government was detected intermeddling with the organization and proceedings of the Spanish Cortes, and was now the declared promoter of a revolution in Sicily. It was perfectly obvious, without any assertion from the noble lord, that ministers were anxious to shun enquiry, for if enquiry were courted, when could a time be found more fit than the present for such a purpose? A full and complete exposition of their motives and conduct was due to the country, the purity of whose national character was sullied by an imputation of the blackest kind, which it was the duty of the government immediately to

remove,

Sir J. Newport answered, that it was of the utmost importance not only that our national honour should be perfectly pure, but that it should be unsuspected even by our enemies. It was not fit that Great Britain should justify her injustice by asserting that the actions of France were of a blacker dye. The noble lord had maintained, that paramount necessity dictated our proceedings in Sicily: necessity was the tyrant's plea, and how many countries had Buonaparté taken possession of and over-run, on the ground that the

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