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Several gentlemen had, like himself, expressed a wish last year, that the measure then intended for England should also extend to Ireland. He did not conceive, that the peculiar situation of three or four counties could operate as a bar to the wish then expressed, and which he considered as consonant with the prosperity of these realms.

question had been very much narrowed of late; for within eight, or seven years at least, bargains had uniformly been made for payment in notes. There remained only rents, for which, according to the old system, payment was to be made in gold. In this the only difficulty existed; and whatever measure the House thought fit to adopt, the noble lord was sure that it must be attended with some sacrifice of individual interest. As to the signatures to the Petition he had presented to the House, and which had been so often alluded to, he could assure the House, that some of the gentlemen who had signed, were connected with the first landed interest in the neighbourhood of Belfast; others were not so, they were not landlords, but he could take upon himself to say, that all were actuated by the same motives the interest of their country; nor could their tardy application to the legislature for a redress of that grievance, be considered as proof that it was not severely felt. At first, gold coin could be procured at a premium of about two per cent. perhaps through the means of the landlord's agent himself; and this might be considered by the tenants as a douceur, to which, under all circumstances, they were willing to submit. But, now, from the operation of foreign exchanges, and, as he would urge the matter to the House, from an act of parliament itself, preventing the bank of England from making payments in gold, tenants could not procure guineas but with the utmost difficulty, at the rate of 25 per cent. It would be for the House to consider, whether or not the enormous loss of 25 per cent. now sustained by the tenants, was in contemplation of their original contract, when they consented to pay a small douceur to the landlord or his agent, and whether or not they were exposed to that unforeseen loss by circumstances over which they had any controul. To a loss of 2 per cent. they might have cheerfully consented, but the enormous discount which they were now obliged to pay, was a grievance entitled to some consideration. He would not take upon himself to say what measures should be adopted in such circumstances; he only wished to enforce on the House the propriety and necessity of applying the same measures to freland as to the other parts of the empire. They should not lose themselves in minute details about localities, but proceed on the broad basis of the general interests of the united kingdoms.

Mr. W. Smith was against the Bill, even in this stage, as he did not think it capable of amendment in a Committee. It was another step in that system which, if they argued from analogy to all the other nations in which history informed them similar courses had been pursued, they must be convinced could only terminate in the utter ruin of the country. It was said that the measure was popular; but he denied the capability of the persons out of doors to form a proper judgment on a subject, which was not fairly presented to their understandings. And it was for the wisdom of that House to correct the errors into which those who did not look so deeply into the matter might and must fall. Not as would seem to be the opinion of his hon. friend (Mr. D. Giddy) who would agree to a measure which he was convinced was not right, because the people liked it; as if, Si populus vult decipi, decipiatur.' He was astonished that his hon. friend could lend himself to so ruinous a deception. There were one or two objections to the present Bill, which struck him as so weighty, that he was surprised it could have been at all entertained by the House or the country. It went, to all intents and purposes, to make bank notes a legal tender; for the only difference was, if a man could afford to wait ad Græcas Calendas,' that was, till the Bank returned to payments in specie, which the present measure would lead to the protraction of for ever. His sincere and perfect belief was, that it would end in national bankruptcy. For all history shewed them that such had been the tendency of similar practices in other nations, and did not afford them one solitary instance to the contrary. To add to this moral certainty of the result, our national debt had increased, and was increasing, and with that increase the advance of the price of all commodities. They were told, if this step was insufficient, they must take another; and what must that step be?-to make bank notes at once a legal tender. And should this also fail in effect, what remained to be done? They must compel all per

themselves by ill." There had only been three prosecutions last year connected with this subject, and to compel payments in specie; and he maintained that this was no inconvenience to warrant a step of that fatal tendency they were now called upon to take. He therefore opposed the second reading of the Bill.

Mr. Wellesley Pole would not go into the general question, but confine himself to that part of it which regarded Ireland. He collected from all sides, that it was not disputed that the measure of last session met with general approbation, and was looked at by the country with a very fa

sons to bring their commodities to market at fixed prices, or they must return to the point from which they had unfortunately departed some years ago, and they must return to it against the increased difficulties which would be thrown in their way, if they agreed to the present measure. He laid no stress on the confined issue of bank notes, as there was no criterion to judge by, whether that issue was too great or not; neither did he think this matter ought to be left to the discretion of the bank directors, however respectable they were. The measure was prospective: and they could not answer for directors 30 years hence, in whom government might be as much mis-vourable eye. If this were true, and it was taken, as they had been in those in whom a measure resorted to for the protection they reposed trust at the period of the of the subject, was it not natural to desire South Sea Bubble. With the same capi- it to be extended to Ireland? The only tal they had when they issued 12 or 13 reason why it had not been extended to millions, they now issued double that that country last session, had been justly amount-and had, consequently, a double stated by his noble friend (lord Castleprofit, while the risk lay with the coun- reagh). It arose from the anomaly existtry. They might proceed to issue 40 mil-ing in that country, which rendered it nelions and still the country be obliged to cessary to allow time for investigation, and take these notes, without their being gua- for learning the actual state of the case. ranteed by the government. But if go- This anomaly, in having two prices, one vernment did not guarantee these notes, for gold and the other for paper, did not, they had no right to make them a legal however, extend so far as was supposed. tender. Between individuals, such an act It was confined, as the noble lord had would be almost a fraud; and in a go- stated, to part of one province out of the vernment, it was an egregious act of unjust four into which Ireland was divided. His violence. Was the system of " I promise noble friend had also fairly explained the to pay" to be carried on for ever? When nature of the difference arising out of the would this end, and what would be the two per cent. formerly paid for the purconsequences? If the Bank got into chase of guineas by the tenant; but the any intermediate difficulties, and was not original cause might not, perhaps, be so able to pay in specie, the government generally known. It arose from the weamust allow it to go on longer paying in vers having, for some reason or other, repaper; the end must be bankruptcy.- fused, soon after the establishment of the With respect to Ireland, there was one cir- bank of Ireland, to take their notes in paycumstance which must strike every one in ment for webs. This rendered it necesregard to the extension of the measure sary for landlords to guard themselves by to that country. Whatever measure they the adoption of the practice in question, might adopt after the enquiry they had and the traffic in guineas had gone on till had, as to guaranteeing the bank of Eng- the price of gold became so much higher, land, would any man say, that the House in comparison with paper, that the evil had on its table sufficient information as to remedied itself, and the practice was althe bank of Ireland, or sufficient parlia- together abolished, except what remained mentary grounds to warrant them in gua- between landlords and tenants. The exranteeing its issues? If they did not, action of gold for rent had, of late, bewhy tell the people of that country that come so crying an evil, that if it had not they must and should take their notes? been for the measure of last session, and If they did not, had they any documents the prospect held out that it would soon to justify themselves in undertaking this be extended to Ireland, they would have responsibility? As the measure was uni- heard such a cry from the North, to proque and isolated in itself, so was the mode tect the tenant against the landlord, that no in which it was conducted in the House. government could resist it. In what conIt reminded him of the sentence in Shake- dition, he asked, would they be, if they speare" Things ill-begun make strong (the Irish tenantry) were exposed to the

tain. The emptiness of the House had been frequently alluded to in the course of the evening. He ascribed it to an understanding which had gone forth, that it would be most proper to debate the question, with regard to its extension to Ireland, after the recess. The hon. and learned gentleman who opened this discussion, had confessed that it was quite impossible to leave the currency of the country as it now was of course he could not oppose their going into a Committee on the subject, to see what currency was possible to be made. They had also heard a great many general arguments, tending to prove, that by the system now pursued, the country was in the high road to ruin. This mode of reasoning was not only ap plied to the present Bill, but had been ap

caprice of any avaricious landlord, while they protected the people here? It would be said, in Ireland, that when one solitary instance of a landlord's wishing to exact this mode of payment occurred, the legislature, as it were, by acclamation, hastened to extend their protection, while they left the people of Ireland to suffer, as they now did, in many parts of the north. He would not now enquire, whether the measure was right and politic for England; but if it was thought right and politic in this country, he demanded it equally for Ireland. He did not wish to disguise the fact, that it would be an inconvenience on landlords, who had let their lands to be paid in gold, and he would be ready to lend himself to any remedy that might be proposed to accommodate the interests of this class, who were, how-plied to every circumstance and occasion ever, only an exception to the general rule. The inconvenience, too, it ought to be recollected, would be nothing, when compared with the evils remedied. He had understood an hon. gentleman, to insinuate some suspicion of the solvency of the bank of Ireland.-(A general cry of No! no!) Was it so or not?-(Mr. Smith signified that it was not.) Then he would not press the subject, but conclude, by saying, that he would be as ready to guarantee the bank of Ireland as the bank of England. There did not exist the slightest suspicion against it; and, he was sure, the honoura'ble men who conducted its direction, would, at all times, be ready and willing to submit to the strictest examination and scrutiny the government or the House should think proper to institute.

Mr. Giles shortly opposed the second reading of the Bill, on the ground of its making bank notes circuitously a legal tender. Mr. Burke had said that these notes were of value on the Royal Exchange, because they were of no value in Westminster-hall; but this measure went to reverse the case, and make them of more value in Westminster-hall than any where else. He conceived it would be much better to make them a legal tender at once between man and man, than through the intervention of courts of law and attornies.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer maintained that the measure was calculated for the protection of the liberty of the subject, who, but for this Bill, was in his person liable to the payment of a debt in gold, which, so long as the Bank restrictions continued, it was not in his power to ob

since the period when the Bank restrictions were imposed. Yet those prophesies had turned out to be false and groundless, which he hoped would be equally the fate of the predictions now poured out upon them. He could not help being surprised at his hon. friend's (Mr. Thornton) notion of the beneficial effects to be derived by Ireland from keeping up a practical standard, by double prices, of the relative values of gold and paper currency. He could not think such a standard so desirable, as that it should be maintained to the great injury of the country. And, after all, what kind of a standard was it? One unsettled and fluctuating, from 5 to 20 per cent. at the pleasure of the landlord in this or the other field-on this or on the other side of the hedge. Much had been said of the examples afforded by the history of nations, of the fatal and ruinous tendency of all such systems as that now embraced in England. But he contended, that there never had existed an instance in point; and he defied any gentleman from those histories to show him a case, in which the paper currency of any other country bore the slightest analogy or resemblance to that of Britain. It was absurd and most ridiculous to compare them together, or bank notes to the assignats of France. These assignats, within two years after their first issue, had exceeded, by a hundred-fold, all the issues of the bank of England during a long period of years. They had, therefore, the experience of a number of years, from 1797, when the restrictions were imposed, to convince them, that there was not the slightest danger of an excessive circulation to

Mr. Ponsonby said, he had no intention of going at large into the question now, but as he had been absent during the discussions it underwent last session, and had no opportunity of delivering his sentiments at that period, he was anxious in a few words to express his firm conviction, that so far from this measure being calculated

ruin the country." But," said an hon. I might justly be said, that they were throwgentleman (Mr. Smith), "after this mea- ing widely and directly open the door to sure is passed, and thirty years hence, national ruin and bankruptcy. It was when you may not have such provi- their duty to make the best selection they dent and honourable directors of the could for the country, and not reject a Bank as at present, the evil will increase." measure merely because theoretical objecWhy could not parliament, as they had tions could be urged against its perfect done, continue to superintend the issues expediency, while it was allowed, on all of the Bank? During the last year, they hands, that some step was necessary, and knew the fact to be, that, so far from an no other, at all feasible, was suggested. increase, a diminution in the circulation had taken place, and they had no reason whatever to fear any danger from the sudden inundation of the country with bank paper during the recess. There was no danger of directors, heretofore so prudent, running all at once into a directly opposite line; there was no hazard of an indefinite issue to ruin the country in the man-to promote the permanent interests of the ner described in the histories referred to. The whole of the issues here amounted to about one-third of the annual revenue of the country paid into the Exchequer. Had they an instance like this in any history of any other nation, where, if he might use the expression, the paper currency was thrice, in the course of one year, disgorged to the government? But all this train of argument appeared to be mere idle declamation, and nothing could possibly be more absurd than to make these comparisons between things utterly dissimilar. He trusted the House and the country would therefore agree with him, that something of the kind now proposed was absolutely necessary for the protection of the subject. In framing the measure, they would, of course, direct their attention as much as possible to the prevention of evils arising from forgeries, and to save the people from being liable to receive them in payments. It appeared, from the account laid on the table, that this evil had not grown to an enormous magnitude, in comparison with the vast sum of 23 millions in circulation. The forgeries amounted, during the last eleven years, to about 9 or 10,000l. a year, including a number of foreign notes rejected at the Bank; and this was perhaps not more than a circulation to a similar extent in gold and silver would suffer. From the vast foreign expenditure in which the nation was engaged, they were, no doubt, in difficulty, which it was the object of this measure to meet in what appeared to be the most advisable way. But if they took the advice of gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, and called on the Bank to resume its payments in specie, then indeed, it

country, it was calculated to bring the country to ruin. The right hon. gentleman opposite, had said that the predictions made on former occasions, when this system began, and at various points of its course, of the progress to ruin in which it would involve the country, had never been fulfilled. At the time when the Bank restrictions commenced in 1797, many persons had indeed spoken in very strong terms, as men were apt to do, of the utter ruin attendant on such a course. For his part he had never used this strong language-but there were many intermediate stages between the injury and utter ruin of a country. In his opinion, all the predictions since 1797, in opposition to that of the right hon. gentleman, had been substantially fulfilled. The supporters of the measure had declared their belief, that the Bank would soon open again, and resume its payments in specie. This had been denied, and the contrary affirmed, viz. That the Bank would never pay in gold so long as this law lasted. Which of these predictions had been verified? Some years ago, when the price of gold rose so high, and the course of exchange became so unfavourable, owing to the excessive issue of paper, it was said, on the one hand, that this mischief would be still worse; which, on the other hand, was denied. Whose prediction, in this case, he would again ask the right hon. gentleman, had been proved right? Their difficulties had increased. They were in a worse condition last year than ever they had been before. How, then, were their predictions falsified? The right hon. gentleman had told them, that no issues in other countries had ever resembled those of this. He agreed with

him on this point-none had ever exactly resembled. It was therefore, that the progress of the mischief had been and would be slower in this country than in any other. But its progress was, nevertheless, inevitable, and in the nature of things. It was true, if our foreign expenditure was much decreased-if our issues from the Bank were more provident and wise than they had been, the evil might be deferred; it might even disappear; but then, it must be a cessation of that system which the right hon. gentleman held to be necessary for the safety of the country. But though there was no exact resemblance between the paper currency of other countries, and that of Britain, there was, in many points, an agreement. There was an agreement in principle. The excessive issues from the Bank had rendered that company unable to fulfil its engagements to government and to the country. The Bank was, thereupon, compelled to put paper into issue to such a degree, as in its connection with government, caused that paper to become a government paper, and a forced government paper too!-It had nothing to pay its dividends with, but this forced government paper. The good sense of the country, the attention of parliament, and the good management of the directors of the Bank, might also add to those causes, which would retard the progress of the evil that had been predicted; but still, in principle, it resembled other countries, and the consequences were unavoidable. With regard to the extension of the measure to Ireland, there were one or two circumstances to which he begged leave to call the attention of the House. Ireland being much poorer than this country, and having a less capital, it might be supposed that when the bank of England could no longer make its payments in gold, the bank of Ireland must have been in a similar state. But the direct reverse was, to his own knowledge, the fact. At the time the bank of England suspended its payments in specie, the bank of Ireland was as competent, ready, and willing to pay in gold as it had ever been. When the intimation was received from the government in this country to stop these payments, the surprise was as great as had ever been excited. This he considered as one of the most just criterions by which to try the real state of the bank of England at that time and since. The right hon. gentleman had endeavoured to throw a ridicule upon an hon. gentleman for his (VOL. XXII.)

opinion on the value of the practical standard existing in Ireland, to ascertain the real state of the depreciation of the paper currency. But the right hon. gentleman was altogether in error in supposing, that this standard varied from 5 to 20 per cent. on either side of a hedge, according to the pleasure or caprice of this or that landlord. That was not the case; and the rate per cent. never depended upon the will of any landlord. The capital of the country was the standard. In Dublin the buying and selling of gold was as common as that of broad cloth, or any other article. Much of it was bought for England, from whence a considerable proportion of it was, he believed, exported, and a considerable portion of it hoarded. Though he hoped he would be acquitted of being guilty of much egotism in that House, or of being apt to speak of himself, he would briefly state a circumstance of which he had been an eye-witness, to shew that it was this traffic which formed the standard, and not the fancy of landlords, as imagined by the right hon. gentleman. On the day he sailed for London, he went into one of these shops in which gold is purchased and sold in Dublin, and while there, a country woman came in to dispose of 11 or 12 guineas. She asked what was the premium, and was informed 5s. 6d. on each guinea, with which being satisfied, she received that sum in bank of Ireland notes, and the fractional parts in tokens. The person of the shop having gone out, another stated to him (Mr. P.) that the woman had been paid too little, as the premium ought to have been 6s. on each guinea. On the return of the shop-keeper, he had exchanged with him bank of Ireland notes for those of the bank of England, at the ordinary rate of exchange, which at that time amounted to about one penny, or three-halfpence in the pound. This was a decided proof of the depreciation of paper, in comparison with gold, and that the rate of that depreciation was as well ascertained in Ireland as the price of meat or bread. His advice, then, was-to let the thing take its own course with the two prices. The Bill, if he understood it right, went to enact, that if a debtor was sued, and paid the amount in Bank-notes into court, the creditor was compelled to receive them and pay costs. But suppose A owed B 1007. on bond, and was desirous to pay the money and get rid of the interest, A could not force B to re(P)

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