merchants, manufacturers, and ship owners of the town of Dundee, was presented and read; setting forth,

"That they think it their duty to call the attention of the House to the approaching discussion on the renewal of the charter of the East India Company; and that, were the trade presently monopolized by that company laid open to the individual enterprize and capital of British merchants, it would, in a great measure, make up for the present exclusion from the continental markets; and that the policy which dictated the withholding charters from the former established companies, applies equally to the withholding that of the East India Company, and would, in like 'manner, be followed by an increase of maritime and commercial resources to the whole empire; and that, while it has been deemed expedient to restrict the commerce of neutrals, in order to counteract the anti-commercial decrees of the French government, yet the India trade is open to all the world except the British merchant, the monopoly thereby operating directly in favour of foreign nations; and that, as a proof of this, it is well known that the American merchants have carried away a great part of the China trade formerly enjoyed by the East India Company, and have been able to undersell them in many of the European markets, thereby shewing the superiority of individual industry, economy, and enterprize, when opposed to the negligence and prodigality of a joint stock company; and that although at the time of the original grant of the company's charter, it required the fostering hand of government to encourage the East India trade, yet this state of things has long since ceased, the wealth of the community was then comparatively small, and required the joint capital of a number of merchants to undertake any enterprize of magnitude; but, while the empire has increased in strength, in riches, and in importance, the eye of the British merchant is naturally turned to the East for the employment of his industry, his wealth, and capital; and that, while a free trade to India would not only turn the wealth acquired by the foreign merchant into the pockets of the subjects of this country, but would be the means of increasing our revenue and maritime resources, it would not be the least acquisition that the trade hitherto confined to the port of London would circulate through the whole empire, thereby opening a field for the capital

and enterprize of every merchant, in whatever part of the kingdom he may be situated; and that, finally, while the Petitioners would intreat that the trade from the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan be no more excluded from the great body of the British merchants, yet they hereby disavow all interference with any rights, territorial or political, which may be enjoyed by the East India Company; and praying the House to adopt such measures as to them shall appear best adapted to promote the commerce and prosperity of the empire."

A Petition of the merchants manufac turers and shipowners of the burgh of Arbroath, county of Forfar, was also presented and read; setting forth,

"That the Petitioners feel themselves called upon at this time, in common with their fellow subjects, humbly to represent to the House their sentiments in regard to the charter granted to the East India Company, which expires in 1814; and that commercial monopolies are acknowledged to be unjust in their principle, and mischievous in their consequences, particularly such as that enjoyed by the East India Company, embracing an exclusive trade from the Cape of Good Hope eastward as far as the Straits of Magellan; and that, were a field so extensive laid open to the individual enterprize and capital of the British merchants, it is the Petitioners' humble opinion that it would be attended with the happiest consequences, particu larly at present, when, by the rigorous adoption of the anti-commercial system, the commerce and manufactures of the country are unfortunately so limited; by withdrawing the charter, industry would receive an additional stimulus, bread would be procured to a great number of individuals who are at present reduced to idleness and poverty, the resources of the country would be materially improved, and a nursery established for seamen, on which depends our very existence as a nation; and that, although the individuals of these realms are excluded from the said trade, yet the benefit of it is extended to neutrals, who, it is well known, are able to compete with the company itself, both on the continent of Europe, and within the very countries included in their monopoly; this, therefore, is a measure degrading to the national character, and humiliating to individuals; and that, as every port in the kingdom ought to par ticipate in the advantages of foreign trade,

it is contrary to the wise principles of a liberal policy, that the East India trade should be confined exclusively to the port of London; and praying the House to take the premises into serious consideration, and to grant the relief so much desired."

The said Petitions were ordered to lie upon the table.

HIGH PRICE OF PROVISIONS.] Mr. Curwen. Seeing the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his place, I feel my self reluctantly called upon to intreat his attention to the present high price of grain. I say reluctantly, because I am fully aware, that extreme caution should be used in mentioning any thing that may be likely to create alarm on so serious a subject as a scarcity of provisions. But, impressed as I am with its importance, I could not excuse myself if I were not now to bring it under the notice of the House. The right hon. gentleman will do me the justice to bear testimony that the views I have taken, are not the creation of a moment, since at the conclusion of the last year, in the end of October or beginning of November, I stated to him my firm conviction (the result of a circuit I had just made through the country) that the crop would be deficient, and that early measures ought to be taken to guard against the inconveniencies which I foresaw must ensue. These sentiments I conveyed to the right hon. gentleman at a time when the competition between sugar and grain in the distilleries was in contemplation. I now, therefore, again beg leave to state the confirmation of my fears, and to tell him that there has been a most alarming advance in the price of grain in various parts of the country; and this very day's post has conveyed to me intelligence, that in a place particularly connected with my interests, and inhabited by my constituents, serious disturbances have broken out, in which some lives have been lost, and more are endangered. I trust, that in stating what I now feel it my duty to mention, it will not be said that I am exclaiming, that there is not sufficient grain in the country to avert the calamity of a famine, if it be properly managed, but if the same supineness still exists, which I have previously complained of, with regard to the main basis of national prosperity, I mean the agricultural interests of the country, the most melancholy consequences are to be apprehended. I should have thought that the proof, that in the last year there were (VOL. XXII.)

no less than two million quarters of grain. imported into the kingdom, would have been a sufficient inducement to a wise and provident government, to have adopted some legislative measure to prevent the recurrence of such a circumstance.

I do not mean to spread any unnecessary alarm, for my firm belief is, that if well husbanded, there is a sufficient supply of grain to answer our necessities. I do not dread any thing like a famine, but I believe that the price will soon be so high, as to press with great severity upon the labouring poor. I therefore think that my duty would not be performed, if I did not attempt to point out at least a partial remedy, which, without bearing hard upon the lower orders, will leave the principal burden to be sustained, as it ought, by the higher classes of society.. At least, in all cases like the present, the comfort of the lower orders, to whom most of the arduous occupations of life are assigned, should be contemplated much more than our own. I calculate that there are yet about twenty weeks to be passed before any new grain can be obtained, and I think by a simple measure we might be enabled to save sufficient for the supply of the country during three weeks of that period. I would suggest the saving of 600,000 quarters or 3 weeks' consumption, by the renewal of the Act of the 41st Geo. 3, ch. 16, by which, it will be recollected it, was provided, that bread should be made only of one quality. Taking the Winchester bushel at the usual weight of 60lbs. it is calculated that it loses by grinding something more than 9 lbs. so that when the bran is extracted there remains only about 51 lbs. of flour. I think, that by leaving in a part of this bran to the quantity of perhaps only 2 lbs. another saving might be effected, while the bread made would be perfectly wholesome and nutritious, although not so palatable. It would also very much lessen the consumption of bread, if flour were applied solely to that pur pose, and were banished from the kitchen as an article of luxury. By these expedi ents, I should imagine, that one twentieth part of the grain used might be rescued from waste, and applied to the sustenance of the inhabitants of the country. I am quite sure, that upon this subject there can exist no party feeling, however it may be displayed on minor occasions ; there can be but one opinion, and that is, to secure by every prudent means that, can be adopted, the comfort of the lower (T)

man, whether his station be high or low, can have but one object, not only from motives of humanity and kindness, but from the most obvious motives of personal interest. The measure usually adopted in such occasions of stopping distillation from grain, was resorted to almost as soon as parliament was convened. The consideration of government has also been directed to the distillation of spirits in Ireland, in order to decide whether the period be not arrived, at which an attempt should be made to prohibit the use of grain, but they have been convinced of this, that unless there be in that island a strong and universal sense that the measure is absolutely necessary, it would be a vain attempt; the economical regular stills would be prevented from working, and the wasteful mode by private and illicit distillation would be substituted. The consumption of the article would not be diminished, and thus the revenue would be injured without any advantage to counterbalance that injury. The diminution of the revenue, I admit, ought not for a moment to be put in competition with the general comfort and support of the people, yet the nation would thus be doubly pressed, in the first place by the deprivation of grain, and in the next, by defalcation in the revenue. The real question to be decided, is, whether by adopting the measure, any relief would be afforded? The hon. gentleman has not communicated to me a single idea with which my mind has not been long deeply impressed, and if he can suggest a proposition which would be really effectual, nothing will give me greater pleasure than to support it. I am persuaded that he now introduced the subject with the most generous and patriotic feeling, but I would advise him well to weigh the practical effects which have been produced on former occasions by the mere statement of theore tical calculations.

Mr. Curwen again rising,

The Speaker observed, that there being no question before the House, he doubted much the propriety of continuing the conversation.

Mr. Curwen said, he should give notice of a motion to the House on the subject. He did not mean to charge the right hon. gentleman with supineness on the present occasion particularly, but the importation of last year ought to have shewn the necessity of an enquiry into the best means of obviating it in future. He had no doubt, but that the present scarcity of

specie was in a great degree owing to the bullion sent out of the country to pay for the grain, of which 8,000,000 worth had been imported in the last year. An alteration of the importation price would have effected the object. With regard to the measure which he had recommended, that it was practicable was certain, and in the north the larger portion of the popula tion lived upon no other kind of bread than such as the Act of which he advised the revival would produce. His letters received that morning from Cumberland informed him, that wheat had risen no less than 30s. per quarter. He gave notice, that unless some circumstance should oc cur to alter his resolution, he would on Monday move for a Committee to inquire into the present causes of the high price of grain.

IRISH MILITIA.] Sir J. Newport begged to ask a right hon. gentleman opposite, if the Irish Militia officers had been yet exempted from the payment of the property tax.

Mr. Secretary Ryder replied, that in future they should be so exempt, and that whoever had paid property tax in the Irish Militia should have it refunded.

Sir J. Newport said, that when the Bill for the interchange of the militia was before the House, the right hon. gentleman posi tively stated that they should be exempted.

Mr. Secretary Ryder denied his having made any such statement.

Sir J. Newport persevered in his decla ration; and added, that the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had concurred in the statement.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer assured the right hon. baronet, that as far as his recollection served him, what was said, when the Bill was before the House, was, that the officers generally should be exempt from the assessed taxes. When the right hon. baronet said, that he understood it in another way, certainly the right hon. baronet must think so; but he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was persuaded that it had been just as he now stated it. When the Bill was pending, he looked upon the Irish officers in the light of persons compelled to be resident here, and therefore liable to pay taxes only accordingly. Arrangements were, however, now made completely calculated to remove every ground of complaint on the part of the officers.

Sir H. Montgomery quoted the words em

The Chancellor of the Exchequer remarked, that the exemption applied to the property of the officers, and not to their pay. In consequence, however, of representations made, it had been determined by government to concede the point.

Sir J. Newport added, that the tax was deducted out of the pay of the last quarter. Mr. W. Pole acknowledged that it had been charged up to the present time; but an order had been sent to the Commissioners, in future not to deduct the property tax from the pay of the Irish militia officers.

Sir J. Newport rejoined, that so strictly had the deduction been attended to, that it had been made from the very moment some of the officers embarked for England, from Ireland.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer terminated the conversation by stating, that the delay had originated in a question whether the exemption could be made under the old act, or whether a new bill would be required. It had now been determined, that by the construction of the former statute no new enactment was necessary.

GOLD COIN AND BANK NOTE AMENDMENT BILL.] On the question that the House do resolve itself into a Committee on this Bill,

Mr. Parnell said, that he rose for the purpose of moving, as an amendment, that the further proceedings in this Bill should be postponed to this day fortnight, for the purpose of appointing a select committee to enquire into the state of the currency in Ireland, as the Bill related so much to that country, that every information should be obtained upon its probable effect upon the interests of the different classes there. He would endeavour, with the permission of the House, to put them in possession of the situation in which the paper currency of Ireland was placed. In the year 1804, a Committee had been appointed to enquire into the state of the bank paper here and in Ireland, and it appeared from their report, that the value of the paper issued by the bank of Ireland, in 1797, that the issues had not exceeded 6 or 700,000l. and the exchange between London and Dublin was at 54 and 63; after that, in 1804, the issues had increased to 2,986,000l. and the exchange to 18. In Belfast, the exchange was in their favour, and a person wanting a guinea was forced to give two shillings

depreciation of paper. It appeared, then, that the Irish bank paper was in a progressive state of depreciation, and for this assumption he had very high and great authority, and that of a description which most of the gentlemen opposite would not be disposed to dispute, for the facts on which he assumed the depreciation of Irish paper, were to be found in the report of that Committee, which was composed of Mr. Pitt, lord Castlereagh, Mr. Yorke, Mr. Rose, Mr. Long, Mr. Vansittart, Mr. Manning, sir John Sinclair, Mr. Thornton, and others. When he had such authority, it could not be denied that he was correct in his statement. But in addition to this, he had also to refer to the opinion of an hon. member (the member for Old Sarum) who acknowledged that the paper in Ire land was depreciated, the reason of which was, the discount upon the country. Before the House agreed to make the paper of Ireland a legal tender, it ought to be shewn that the paper, which was depreciated in that country in 1804 (according to the report of the Committee) was not now in that state, but in such a one as authorised the House to make it a legal tender. He conceived that it was impossible to make out that case; but if the enquiry which he proposed was instituted, the result would be, that the bank paper of Ireland was more depreciated now than it had been in 1804, and this fact would appear from an examination into the state of the exchange, and into the value of the paper, compared to the discount. If the exchange between London and Dublin was at 18 per cent. when the Committee in 1804 had ascertained that a one pound note and a shilling would purchase a guinea in Ireland, yet the exchange would now be at 25 per cent. and upwards, instead of 18. If the Committee in 1804 had compared the exchange with Hamburgh, they would have found that it was 18 per cent. against Dublin, to the correspondent in London; and if they had made a late estimate, it would be 25 per cent. against Dublin; therefore the depreciation was greater than in 1804. Next, as to the value of paper, with respect to discount, or of paper on exchange, with gold, the result would be the same. It was perfectly justifiable to assume, that this Bill made paper a legal tender, though it was not set out to be so; for as the prices would be always regulated by the value of the currency, the only case where notes, being made a legal