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of grain. To this assertion he was under the necessity of giving a direct contradiction, the right hon. gentleman had given no such advice, nor had he expressed any opinion that the state of Ireland with regard to grain was such as to require the suspension of the distilleries. On the contrary, the right hon. gentleman had declared that he was rather inclined to think that there was no real scarcity, and contented himself with merely calling for some returns. The right hon. gentleman had, indeed, expressed some apprehensions upon the subject, and had called for those returns in order to see whether his apprehensions were well or ill-founded. He was therefore very naturally astonished to hear the right hon. gentleman now state, that he had a month ago informed the House of the scarcity of grain in Ireland, and had recommended the measure which he now proposed. He would appeal to every gentleman who was present in the House, on the former discussion, he would appeal to the right hon. gentleman's own friends who sat around him, whether that was a correct representation of what passed upon that occasion, and he would ask further, whether not only the right hon. gentleman but all the gentlemen on the other side of the House, with one single exception, had not expressly concurred in the statement which he (Mr. Pole) then made, viz. that though there was considerable pressure felt in many parts of Ireland on account of the high price of provisions, it arose not from an actual scarcity, but from the interruption which had taken place in the intercourse between different parts of the kingdom? Was then the right hon. gentleman justified in coming down to the House and preferring such heavy charges against the Irish government, and in censuring him (Mr. Pole) for not paying proper attention to a statement which was never made, and for not complying with advice which was never given. It might be supposed from the manner in which the right hon. gentleman had introduced this subject, that he really believed that the Irish government had taken no pains to ascer tain the actual state of provisions in Ireland, and that they had totally neglected that most important part of their duty; it was impossible to conceive a charge more completely destitute of foundation. The government of Ireland had directed its attention to this subject with the most anxious solicitude. That government did

not, indeed, think it necessary when the first alarm was felt respecting the high price of provisions (arising from the cause which he had stated) to take in the first instance, a measure so injurious to the commercial interest of Ireland, and one which would give such a blow to the revenue as to stop the distilleries, but wheu it was found to be necessary, the Irish government did not lose a moment in resolving upon the measure, and he came down yesterday to give notice of his intention to move for a Bill to stop the distilleries. The right hon. gentleman might suppose that he had given that notice in consequence of the previous one given by the right hon. gentleman, but that was not the fact; for he had sent notice to Ireland last Saturday of his intention to move for the Bill precisely on the very day on which the right hon. gentleman, who had just come from Ireland prepared with full information upon the subject, thought it right to propose the measure. Was it then fair or candid, he asked again, for the right honourable gentleman to come down to that House and accuse the Irish government of inattention to one of the most important parts of their duty ? When this subject was before under the consideration of the House, he communicated all information of which the Irish government was in possession, that information was corroborated by all the Irish gentlemen in the House, who also approv ed of the conduct of the Irish government in not stopping the distilleries, with the exception, as he had before stated, of one single gentleman. It was at that time agreed on all sides of the House, that the high prices of provisions in Ireland arose not from any real scarcity, but from the great market which had been opened for the grain and spirits of Ireland. He did hope at that time, that the measures which were adopted would have the effect of lowering the prices, or at least of preventing them from rising; in that hope he was disappointed, and it therefore became necessary to have recourse to the strong measure of stopping the distilleries. Mr. Pole then entered into a comparative view of the difference of prices in 1801, a year of considerable scarcity, and 1812; and admited that they were, generally speaking, higher at the latter period: but he begged to remind the House that the price of every article had increased since 1801, and therefore it was not to be inferred that because grain or potatoes were dearer now

than they were in 1801 that therefore there was an actual scarcity, because there had been a considerable change in the value of money since that time. It was also to be recollected, that the price of labour had encreased above one half since 1801; and he could not but hope, that the present high prices of provisions would induce the gentry and farmers in Ireland still further to increase the wages of their labourers, which certainly were inadequate, so that some good might come out of this evil. Mr. Pole then adverted to the assertion of the right hon. gentleman, that there was an actual scarcity in Ireland; and contended, that it was very greatly over-stated. With respect to Dublin, where a very considerable pressure was felt, he begged to inform the House, that very considerable supplies had recently reached that city coastwise, (to prove which, he read a letter from Mr. Middleton the clerk of the market) and he was happy to add that those supplies were progressively increasing. With respect to the county of Cork, a part of Ireland where the greatest apprehensions were entertained, it appeared from a report most admirably drawn up, that those apprehensions are unfounded. The right hon. gentleman had stated in the county of Clare potatoes had risen above the average price, it was true that the price of potatoes had risen, but he could state upon the most indisputable information, that there was not the smallest ground for apprehending a scarcity either of grain or of potatoes in that county. Mr. Pole then read a letter from Mr. Hamilton, agent to the duke of Leinster, a gentleman of the greatest respectability, and whose means of obtaining information were most extensive. He was not, he confessed, authorised to make use of that gentleman's name, but he had too high an opinion of his character to suppose that he would put his name to any statement which he would be unwilling to avow. That gentleman stated, that in the county of Kildare (which the right hon. gentleman represented to be in a state of famine) there were plenty of potatoes, that grain was dear, but that oats had on the last market day fallen seven shillings a barrel. Mr. Pole then read a letter from Limerick, dated the 14th November, which stated, that there were abundance of potatoes, and that orders had been received and were about to be executed for several thousand barrels of oats for Scotland, Spain, and Portugal, and yet Limerick was one of the

counties in which the right hon. gentleman said there was a scarcity. In the King's County there were great quantities of wheat and oats. He should like to ask his honourable colleague (Mr. Parnell) whether he agreed with the right hon. gentleman respecting the scarcity which he stat ed to exist in the King's County; he was sure he could not. In Kilkenny, oats had fallen at the three last market days; and a committee which had been appointed to examine into the state of provisions in that county, had reported that there was no ground for apprehending a scarcity. In addition to all this, he begged to state, that he had received a letter from one of the governors of that most extensive and excellent charity, the House of Industry in Dublin. The consumption of provisions in the House of Industry might naturally be supposed to be very great, when it was known, that upon an average 3,000 persons were daily fed in it. The gentleman to whom he alluded had lately been upon a tour into different parts of Ireland with a view of purchasing provisions for the use of the charity of which he was a governor; and it was his decided opinion, founded upon observations which he had carefully made during the course of that tour, that there was no real ground for apprehending that there was an actual scarcity of provisions in Ireland. The fact was, that the crops in Ireland were far from being deficient, and if her export trade had not encreased to such an extent, there would not have existed the smallest alarm about scarcity; nor would it have been necessary to stop the distilleries. He appealed to the House, whether with all this various mass of information before them, the Irish government would not have been culpable, if it had upon the first appearance of a great increase in the price of grain, immediately had recourse to the strong measure of stopping the distilleries, and thereby injuring both the trade and the revenue of the country, without taking pains to ascertain whether there were or were not real grounds for alarm. The Irish government would have very ill discharged its duty, if it had acted from information derived from one or two quarters, or if it had given way to the clamours of a mob. The government was bound to obtain information from every quarter; to investigate, to analyze and compare the whole; and to form its determination upon the general result. Such was the conduct which the

better price in Dublin. Unless, therefore, the right hon. gentleman could shew, that one cargo from Guernsey was several cargoes from Portugal, his statement and the argument he had built upon it fell to the ground. He now begged leave to advert to a charge which the right hon. gen. tleman had made against him, and which was as extraordinary as it was unfounded. The right hon. gentleman had said, that he (Mr. Pole) wished to rival his prede cessor, by doubling the duties on spirits. He should be most unworthy of the situa tion which he had the honour to hold, if he could be actuated by such a motive. He wished, indeed, he could rival Mr. Foster in talents, in information, in experience, and in every quality that was necessary for the office which he had the honour to hold. That was the only species of rivalry which he wished to enter into with Mr. Foster, a man who was an honour and an ornament to his country, who was one of its best friends, and one of the best men, and one of the truest patriots it ever produced. The right hon. gentleman knew little, indeed, of him, if he could suspect him of being actuated by any unworthy motives of rivalship towards Mr. Foster.-The right hon. gentleman, however, disapproved of the increase of the duty upon spirits; he supposed that the right hon. gentleman did not know how the proposition for doubling the duty had been received by his friends who sat around him, that they had expressed the strongest approbation of it, as a measure calculated to improve the health, the morals, and the industry of the people of

Irish government had pursued, and he trusted that it would meet with the approbation both of the House and of the country. The Irish government had not acted rashly or precipitately, it had proceeded gradually to apportion the relief to the evil as it increased, but it now felt that it could no longer, consistently with its duty, delay having recourse to the strong measure of proposing to stop the distilleries. The Irish government was neither inattentive to the duties it had to perform, nor ignorant of the responsibility under which it acted. It was neither guided by partial information, nor influenced by clamour; and it would have been no more justified in having recourse to the strongest measure in the first instance, than it would be in not adopting it, now that its necessity became apparent. The right hon. gentleman had censured the measure which he (Mr. Pole) had recommended, of prohibiting the exportation of spirits from Ireland to foreign parts, and had represented it as being useless and absurd; but he contended, that to keep in the country a large quantity of spirits for home consumption that were destined for exportation, must necessarily lessen the quantity to be distilled, and of course diminish the consumption of grain. The right hon. gentleman had stated, that there was no export of spirits from Ireland to foreign parts; where the right hon. gentleman got his information he did not know, but most undoubtedly it was completely erroneous. He had stated upon a former occasion, that this export trade of Ireland was in its infancy, but in the month of February alone it amounted to above 220,000 gal-Ireland, and that it had not met with one lons, which was rather more than onefourth of the whole quantity of spirits distilled in that month. How then it could be contended, that the prohibition of such a large export would not lessen the quantity of spirits distilled, he would leave to the right hon. gentleman to explain. The right hon. gentleman had stated, that several cargoes which had been shipped for Spain and Portugal had been brought back again, and several applications had been made by merchants to the Board of Customs for leave to reland their cargoes. Here again the right hon. gentleman had been completely misinformed, no such cargoes had been brought back, no such applications had been made. One cargo that had been shipped for Guernsey had indeed been brought back, because it was found that the spirits could be sold at a

dissentient voice in that House. Mr. Pole then adverted to that part of the right hon. gentleman's speech which related to the propriety of proceeding by proclamation rather than by Bill, and entered into a detailed account of the process under which the grain went previous to distillation, in order to shew that a considerable portion of the stock of grain which the distillers had, could not be rendered serviceable for consumption as food, even if the distilleries were immediately stopped. He contended, therefore, that it would be as useless to the country as it would be oppressive upon the distillers to stop them immediately. He should recommend the adoption of the plan which had been followed in this country on a similar óccasion, and should propose to stop the distilleries on the 4th of next month, by which

time the distillers wonld be able to work off the grain that was in a state of preparation, and to allow them a fortnight to work off their worts and wash.-He wished before he sat down to notice another inaccuracy in the statement of the right hon. gentleman, who had said, that 50,000 barrels of grain were used weekly in the distilleries; the actual consumption did not exceed 35,000 barrels a week. He wished also to take this opportunity of doing justice to the Irish distillers, who had uniformly conducted themselves in the most exemplary manner, ever since his attention had been directed from his official situation to their proceedings, and he should have acted most unjustly towards them, if, to gain a little popularity, he had put an immediate stop to the distilleries. He never would propose a measure that appeared to him to be unjust and oppressive, to gratify public clamour, or to acquire popularity for himself. He should conclude what he had to say, by asking the right hon. gentleman, why, if he thought three weeks ago that this measure was necessary to preserve Ireland from a famine, he had not come over, and stated his opinion to the House; or at least, why he had not written over to some of his friends upon the subject? But he supposed the right hon. gentleman had some duty to perform, which he considered paramount to that of attending to the distresses of the people of Ireland. Mr. Pole concluded with moving, as an amendment to the right hon. gentleman's motion, to leave out all the words after the word" that," and to insert these words: "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to revive and continue, for a time to be limited, so much of the Act of the 49th of the King, for the prohibition of the distillation from grain, as referred to that part of the United Kingdom called Ireland.”

Mr. Ponsonby did not think it would be safe to allow so long a period for the distillers to work off that part of their stock which was on hand, and which could not be applied to human food. No longer time should be allowed than was actually necessary for the passing of the measure. From the information he had received from undoubted authority, the state of the country was most alarming. This was a fact which could not be disguised; and those who had informed the right hon. gentleman that the contrary was the case, were induced so to do, merely from interested motives, and with the intention of deluding and misleading him.

Sir J. Newport said, the delay proposed by the right hon. gentleman would only tend to keep out of the market that grain which was absolutely necessary for immediate consumption. Any such delay, therefore, was strongly to be deprecated.

Mr. Shaw observed, that it was utterly impossible for the distillers to work off their stock on hand in a less time than that proposed by the right hon. gentleman. They could not take any improper advantage, or make any new purchases by such an arrangement.

Mr. Stewart declared his approbation of the amendment, and conceived that no more time was proposed to be allowed to the distillers than was actually necessary to work off their present stock.

Mr. Parnell felt considerable doubt, whether, even supposing there was a scarcity, the stoppage of the distilleries would have any good effect.

Mr. O'Dell said, he had just arrived from Limerick, and that there was no scarcity dreaded in that part of the country, as potatoes never were more cheap or more abundant.

Mr. Hutchinson agreed that every measure ought to be taken to prevent the consumption of grain, and for the support of the population of the country; at the same time, the House ought to be cautious how they injured so respectable a class of people as the distillers of Ireland, more than was necessary. A clause could easily be introduced, to allow them to make use of such grain as was in their possession, and so prepared as not to be fit for any other use.

The original motion was then put and negatived. The amendment was carried, and leave given to bring in the Bill. Mr. W. Pole then brought up the Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to morrow.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, April 22.

The Gallery was not opened for the admission of strangers until six o'clock, in consequence of the enforcement of the Call of the House, which occupied two hours. Defaulters were ordered to be called over to-morrow; also, that the House be called over again on this day sevennight.

PETITIONS FROM THE SHIP Owners of LONDON, AND FROM BRISTOL, WATERFORD,

AND BELFAST, RESPECTING THE RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.] A Petition of several ship-owners in the port of London, was presented and read; setting forth,

"That the petitioners have, for some time past, observed, with very great regret, that ships and vessels built within the territories of the East India Company in Asia, have been admitted to registry in Great Britain, and, in consequence thereof, allowed to participate in the carrying trade of the country and its colonies; and that, if India-built ships continue to be admitted to British registry, and to participate in the carrying trade of the empire, the most injurious consequences will result to the maritime interests of the nation, and more especially so when the trade to the East Indies is opened generally to all his Majesty's subjects; and that the petitioners forbear to press on the attention of the House, by entering into any detail of observations on the impolicy of admitting India-built ships to the privileges of British-built ships, not only as affecting the interests of the petitioners, but also the landed, commercial, and manufacturing interests of the country, as well as those of the various classes of persons who are dependent on the building, repairing, and equipment of British-built ships: the petitioners, however, presume it will be admitted, on an impartial consideration of the subject, that to encourage the building and equipment of ships in Asia, for the purpose of being employed in the carrying trade of this empire, will be both impolitic and unjust: first, it will be impolitic, as the removal of a manufacture of such importance as the building and equipment of ships from this country to India (a manufacture of more importance than any other) will render more precarious the means of maintaining his Majesty's navy, and especially of fitting out with dispatch his Majesty's fleets on pressing emergencies, and will thereby undermine that great bulwark of our independence and greatness as a nation; and secondly, it will be unjust, as many of the stores and materials necessary to the building and equipment of ships in this country, are charged with considerable duties, and as the mechanics and others employed therein also, as well as the petitioners, contribute their proportion of the burthens imposed on the public from the exigencies of the state, to neither of which persons engaged as owners or builders of ships in Asia are subject or

liable; and that the petitioners respectfully submit to the House, that, from the heavy taxation of the country, there never was a period when it was so necessary to confine the carrying trade of the country to British-built ships, from the utter inability of the owners of them to enter into a competition with the owners of East India, or other foreign ships, upon terms at all like equality; and, for these and other reasons, which the petitioners flatter themselves must be obvious to the House, praying that, in future, East India-built ships may be prohibited by statute from being admitted to registry, and to the pri vileges of British-built ships."

A Petition of the mayor, burgesses and commonalty of the city of Bristol, was also presented and read; setting forth,

"That the petitioners, impressed with a deep sense of the great importance of, and the national as well as individual benefit which may be expected to arise from laying open to the capital skill and industry, and restoring the inherent right of his Majesty's subjects throughout the ports of the United Kingdom, to the full and free enjoyment of trade and commerce to all ports and places either in possession of, or in amity with his Majesty, observe, with the strongest feelings of regret, that a Petition from the East India Company has just been presented to the House, praying for a renewal of the charter granted in 1793; and that the petitioners observe, by the correspondence which has been carried on between the Chairman of the East India Company and the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, that the East India Company have conceded the general principle of a free trade from the out-ports of the kingdom to the East India settlements, still that their concession is coupled with propositions which (if adopted by parliament), must effectually exclude the merchants of this city, as well as those of every other part of the United Kingdom, except London, from any prospect of advantageous participation in the trade when so opened; and that it is a declared object of the East India Company to prevail upon parliament to continue in themselves the extensive possession of the British trade with China, under an apprehension that the greatest danger of quarrels, and the ultimate loss of the China trade, would be likely to ensue from a free commercial intercourse with that nation; whereas the experience of a long course of years, during which

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