BOOK IV of this country, though deserted and given up by that government in whose favour they had CHAP. IX. risen in arms, and to whom they had manifested an attachment unbroken by the most dreadful 1809 sacrifices and sufferings, still refused submission to the conquerors. Their resistance was most formidable; some of the most experienced generals of Bonaparte, at the head of his best troops, were repeatedly defeated, and driven back with great loss, even after they had penetrated into the centre of the Tyrol. At the head of the mountaineers appeared a man worthy of being a leader among a nation of heroes. The brave Hoffer animated and directed the actions of his countrymen; and before him, untutored as he was in the art of war, the experienced troops of Europe fled in dismay. In vain did Bonaparte pour in fresh forces, block up the passes of the mountains, and forbid all communication between the inhabitants and the neighbouring countries. All his schemes were foiled; and if for a short time the Tyrolese fled before his armies, or appeared not to oppose their progress, it was only to attack them to more advantage in the passes of the mountains, or to fall upon them when they were unprepared. On the conquest of the country, however, Bonaparte was determined, and at length he effected his purpose, by pouring in continued reinforcements, and by the capture and infamous execution of the gallant Hoffer. While Bonaparte was at Vienna, and within a few days of the great battle of Aspern, when a less ambitious mind would have been solely fixed on military preparations, he caused proclamations to be made in the public squares and market-place of that city, that from the 1st of June the Papal territory should be united with the French empire; and that Rome should at the same time be declared a free and imperial city. This decree, which fixed the annual revenue of the pope at two millions of francs, was grounded on three propositions; first, that the territories of Rome were fiefs bestowed by the Emperor Charlemagne, the predecessor of the Emperor Napoleon, on the Bishops of Rome, to maintain the peace of his subjects; second, that ever since that time the union of temporal and spiritual power has been, and still is, the source of dissension; and third, that the temporal pretensions of the pope are irreconcileable with the security of the French army, the repose and prosperity of the nations subject to the sway of Napoleon, and the dignity and inviolability of his empire. The pope solemnly protested against the violence and injustice by which he had been stripped of his temporal sovereignty; and at the same time issued an act of excommunication against the French Emperor, and all his co-operators in this act of unprovoked spoliation. But the thunders of the Vatican had lost their terrors; and an act, which three centuries ago would have roused to arms all the states of Europe, was now witnessed without one single effort on the part of the surrounding sovereigns to pluck the prey from the hands of the spoiler.* A rumour had for a long time prevailed, which, though it occasionally died away, was always revived after a short interval, that Napoleon meant to divorce Josephine, for the purpose of uniting himself with a younger and more noble bride. On the 16th of December, this design to dissolve his marriage was formally announced to the conservative senate; and on the same day, the project of a decree was submitted to that assembly, and before the sitting terminated, the law authorising the divorce was enacted. To witness these proceedings most of the relations of the emperor and empress were summoned to Paris. The arch-chancellor was ordered to attend in the grand cabinet of Napoleon, where the Empress, the Kings of Holland, Westphalia, and Naples; the Viceroy of Italy; ' the Queens of Holland, Westphalia, and Spain; Madame, the mother of Bonaparte; and the Princess Pauline, were assembled. The emperor explained to the assembly his views, and the motives by which he was actuated: and the empress declared that she willingly consented to the divorce, in order to further the policy of the emperor and the interests of France. A proces verbal was then drawn up, which was signed by the kings, queens, princes, and princesses, present, as well as by the emperor and empress, and to which was annexed a decree, pronouncing the marriage contract between the Emperor Napoleon and the Empress Josephine to be dis * ACT OF EXCOMMUNICATION. "By the authority of God Almighty, and of St. Paul and St. Peter, we declare you, (Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of France,) and all your co-operators in the act of violence which you are executing, to have incurred the same excommunication, which we, in our apostolic letters, contemporaneously affixing in the usual places of this city, declare to have been incurred by all those who, on the violent invasion of this city on the 2d of February, last year, were guilty of the acts of violence against which we have protested, as well really in so many declarations, that by our order have been issued by our successive secretaries of state, as also in two consistorial collocutions, of the 16th of March, and the 11th of July, 1808, in common with all their agents, abettors, advisers, and whoever else may have been accessary to, or himself been engaged in, the execution of those attempts. "Given at Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore, June 10, in the 10th year of our pontificate. (Locus Signi) "PIUS PAPA VII." solved. This extraordinary act, which was con- The affairs of Sweden had now become des- Charles XIII. on ascending the throne of BOOK IV Sweden, professed his determination not to consent to any peace with Russia that should be CHAP. IX. disgraceful to his country, or that should oblige 1809 her to take up arms against her faithful ally Great Britain. The war between Russia and Sweden was accordingly renewed, but misfortune still attended the Swedish armies, and peace was at length purchased by the sacrifice of Finland. Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of peace with Russia, negociations were opened between Sweden and France, and on the 6th of January a treaty was concluded, by which Swedish Pomerania, with the principality of Rügen, was restored to Sweden; the former commercial relations between the two countries were revived ; and the Emperor Napoleon, acting upon his usual policy, prevailed upon his new ally to adopt the continental system, and to exclude British commerce from the ports of the Baltic. The time had now arrived when the efficacy of this system was to be fairly submitted to the test of experience: the ports of France, Italy, Holland, Russia, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden, were all closed by law against the introduction of English manufactures and merchandise; the continental system had become the law of the continent; but the spirit of British enterprise, co-operating with the wants of the various states of Europe, and assisted by the connivance of several of the involuntary auxiliaries of France, relaxed the rigours of commercial interdiction, and served to prove the futility of all attempts to destroy an intercourse grounded on the necessities and benefits of surrounding nations. * IMPERIAL DIVORCE.. Extract from the Register of the Conservative Senate of Saturday the 16th of December, 1809: His majesty the Emperor and King addressed the personages assembled to witness the ceremony in these terms :~~ "The politics of my monarchy, the interests and wants of my people, which have constantly guided all my actions, require, that after me I should leave to children, inheritors of my love to my people, that throne on which providence has placed me; but for several years past I have lost the hope of having children by my marriage with my well-beloved consort the Empress Josephine. This it is which induces me to sacrifice the sweetest affections of my heart to attend to nothing but the good of the state, and to wish the dissolution of my marriage. Arrived at the age of forty years, I may indulge the hope of living long enough to educate, in my views and sentiments, the children which it may please providence to give me. God knows how much such a resolution has cost my heart; but there is no sacrifice that my courage will not surmount, when it is proved to me to be necessary for the welfare of France. I shall add, that far from ever having had reason to complain, on the contrary, I have been fully satisfied with the attachment and affection of my well-beloved consort. She has adorned fifteen years of my life, the remembrance of which will ever remain engraven on my heart. She was crowned by my hand. I wish her to preserve the rank and title of empress; but above all, that she should never doubt my sentiments, and that she should ever regard me as her best and dearest friend." The Emperor having ended, her majesty the Empress spoke as follows:~~ "By the permission of our dear and august consort, I ought to declare, that not preserving any hope of having children, which may fulfil the wants of his policy, and the interests of France, I am pleased to give the greatest proof of attachment and devotion which has ever been given on carth. I possess all from his bounty, it was his hand which crowned me, and froin the height of his throne I have received nothing but proofs of affection and love from the French people. I think I prove myself grateful in consenting to the dissolution of a marriage which heretofore has been an obstacle to the welfare of France, which deprived it of the happiness of being one day governed by the descendant of a great man evidently raised up by providence to efface the evils of a terrible revolution, to re-establish the altar, the throne, and social order. But the dissolution of my marriage will in no degree change the sentiments of my heart; the emperor will ever have in me his best friend. I know how much this act, demanded by policy, and by so great an interest, has chilled his heart; but both of us exult in the sacrifice which we BOOK IV. 1809 CHAPTER X. BRITISH HISTORY: Meeting of the Parliament of 1809-Monument voted to the Memory of Sir John Moore-Thanks of Parliament voted to Sir Arthur Wellesley, and the Officers and Troops under his Command—Augmentation of the Military Force of the Country-Discussions on the Convention of Cintra—Charges exhibited against His Royal Highness the Duke of York-Nature of the Evidence-Decision of the House of Commons at variance with the Public Voice-Resignation of the Commander-in-Chief—Expressions of Public Gratitude to Colonel Wardle-Abuse of India Patronage-Charge against Lord Castlereagh of trafficking in Seats in Parliament-Public Finances-Extortionate Conduct of the Dutch Commissioners-Charge of corrupt Practices preferred by Mr. Madocks against Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Spencer Perceval-Sir Francis Burdett's Plan of Parliamentary Reform-Mr. Wardle's Motion relative to the Public Expenditure— Prorogation of Parliament-Destruction of the French Fleet in Basque Roads-Naval Cperations in the Mediterranean-Colonial Conquests-Relations between Great Britain and the United States-Disastrous Expedition to the Scheldt-Dissensions in the Cabinet-Duel between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning-Dissolution of the Ministry-Ministerial Arrangements-The Jubilee. THE parliamentary session of 1809 was more distinguished for discussions regarding the CHAP. X. domestic concerns of the country than for the agitation of those topics which concerned its foreign relations; and the charges against the commander-in-chief, grounded on an abuse of patronage in his official situation, and against his majesty's ministers, arising out of the corrupt disposal of high offices and seats in the commons house of parliament, occupied a large portion of the session, and imparted to its proceedings an unusual degree of interest and animation. On the 19th of January parliament assembled, when his majesty's speech was delivered by commission. This document, which related principally to the peninsula of Spain and Portugal, strongly recommended an augmentation of the regular army, in order that his majesty might be the better enabled, without impairing the means of defence at home, to avail himself of the military power of his dominions to conduct the great contest in which he was engaged, to a conclusion compatible with the honour of his majesty's crown, and with the interests of his allies, of Europe, and of the world. The usual address to his majesty, which was moved in the house of lords by the Earl of Bridgewater, seconded by Lord Sheffield; and in the house of commons by the Honourable Frederick Robinson, seconded by Mr. S. B. Lushington; was carried in both houses with out a division, but not without several strong and pointed animadversions on the manner in which the war had been conducted, and on the general policy of his majesty's government. One of the first subjects that engaged the attention of parliament, was the expression of the feelings of the country towards those distinguished characters whose services had tended in so eminent a degree to support its military renown; and on the 25th of January, the Earl of Liverpool, in the house of peers, and Lord Castlereagh, in the house of commons, moved the thanks of parliament to the officers and men under Sir John Moore, by whose gallantry and good conduct the victory of Corunna was achieved. The battle of Corunna, it was observed, was never surpassed in the annals of military fame. The engagement took place under the most adverse circumstances; and yet so complete was the victory, that the army, after remaining unmolested for the whole night on the field of battle, were on the following day able to embark in the presence of a superior force, and without leaving a wounded soldier, a piece of artillery, or any thing which the enemy could boast of as a trophy. The triumph was indeed damped by the death of the hero who achieved the victory. It was unnecessary to expatiate on the merits of Sir John Moore; they were fresh in the memory of his country; during the two last wars there was scarcely an important service in which he was not engaged; he had indeed devoted the whole of his life to the public service, and his memory would live for ever in the gratitude of his country.* That country would cheerfully concur in handing down to posterity an expression of its gratitude for his eminent and illustrious deeds in arms, and devote to the memory of General Moore a lasting mark of national estimation, by erecting to him a monument, as a just trophy to his fame, and an excitement to those he had left behind him to imitate his example. In every tribute to the memory of Sir John Moore, and in every eulogium upon his character, the opposition side of the house fully concurred. It was a mark of duty and of gratitude due from the house and from the country to that immortal commander to perpetuate his memory.+ It was owing to the talents of Sir John Moore that any part of his army was brought away; and the conduct of the troops, like that of the commander, was above all praise. The failure and slaughter through which they had passed to the glorious exhibition of their valour, they owed solely to the disastrous councils which employed that valour upon a frantic and impracticable object. For what purpose was so much precious blood shed? Did it produce any advantage to the country? Were the troops sent to Spain to escape from it? Their lives had been squandered as little to the advantage of the country as if they had been shot on the parade of St. James's Park. The hand of Providence was upon us, Within three years we had lost two of the greatest statesmen the country ever saw; within the same time we had lost a naval hero of transcendent talents and courage; and now we had to regret the loss of a military chief, who, if it had pleased Providence to spare him to us, would have equally upheld the power and increased the glory of the country. The motion for the thanks of parliament was carried unanimously in both houses, and a monument was voted to the memory of Lieutenantgeneral Sir John Moore. These proceedings were succeeded by a motion for thanks to Sir Arthur Wellesley, and the officers and men under his command, for the brilliant victory obtained at the battle of Vimiera. In proposing this vote of thanks, Lord Castlereagh observed, that it was impossible to find in the military annals of Great Britain a more glorious instance of the superiority of her arms than had been displayed on that occasion. We had had our victories of Egypt and of Maida; but none of these triumphs ever exceeded the victory of Vimiera, which had afforded a further striking and unquestionable proof, that whenever Lord Folkstone was very ready to admit all the courage and gallantry which attached to the character of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and also the enthusiasm of the army under his command, but he objected to the vote of thanks for the battle of Vimiera, because he did not think it of that brilliant description to demand such a tribute from parliament, and because it fell short of those good consequences which ought to result from victory, and ended in a manner disgraceful to the country. A long and animated debate ensued; after In the speech by his majesty's commission- Lord Erskine, 1809 1809 BOOK IV. tute. In the progress of this measure through parliament, it was stated by the Earl of LiverCHAP. X. pool, that the regular army at the present moment consisted of upwards of two hundred and ten thousand infantry, and twenty-seven thousand cavalry. The infantry was disposed into one hundred and twenty-six first battalions, averaging nine hundred men each, and fifty-six second battalions, of which the average number was about four hundred men, and the object of this bill was to render the second battalions complete. The inroad made by the army augmentation bill upon the constitution of the militia, and the uncertainty to what service this additional force was to be applied, called forth a very animated opposition, but the measure ultimately passed into a law by large majorities. The terms of the convention of Cintra, and the circumstances which led to the conclusion of that treaty, were, on the 21st of February, brought under the consideration of parliament by Lord Henry Petty, who concluded a long and eloquent speech by moving the two following resolutions: 1. "That the convention concluded at Cintra, on the 30th of August, 1808, and the maritime convention concluded off the Tagus on the 3d of September, in the same year, appear to this house to have disappointed the hopes and expectations of the country. 2. "That the causes and circumstances which immediately led to the conclusion of those conventions, appear to this house, in a great measure, to have arisen from the misconduct and neglect of his majesty's ministers.” This motion was strenuously opposed by ministers, who contended that it was a brilliant addition to the military glory of the country, to have expelled, in the course of a short campaign of three weeks, an army of twenty-five thousand French from Portugal; and on the motion of Lord Castlereagh, the previous question was put, and carried by a majority of 203 to 152 voices. The proposed vote of censure on ministers for the unfortunate termination of the campaign in Portugal, was succeeded by a motion introduced into the house of commons three days afterwards, by Mr. Ponsonby, for the institution of an inquiry into the causes, consequences, and events of the late disasters in Spain. This inquiry ministers judged it proper to resist, and a majority of the house confirmed their decision. Amidst the momentous events which presented themselves on the continent, and the weighty deliberations which occupied the councils of the British nation, an inquiry was instituted in the house of commons, which for a time seemed to cast into the shade every other public consideration, and which in its consequences involved the character of the commander-inchief, the discipline of the army, and the future estimation of parliament. On the 27th of January, Colonel Wardle* rose in his place in the house of commons, to submit to that assembly a motion respecting certain abuses which had prevailed in the British army. In bringing forward this subject he was impelled by no other motive than a sense of public duty, and he should make no assertions that were not supported by positive facts. The power of disposing of commissions in the military service of the empire, had been placed in the hands of a person of high birth, and extensive influence; and he was sorry to say that this power had been exercised to the worst of purposes. The disposal of commissions in the army had been placed in the hands of the commander-in-chief for the purpose of defraying the charges of the half-pay list, for the support of veteran officers, and for increasing the compassionate fund for the aid of officers' widows and orphans; but he could bring positive proof that such commissions had been sold, and the money applied to very different purposes; and this duty, so essential to the rights of the army and the interests of his country, he should discharge without dismay. For this purpose it was absolutely neces sary to call the attention of the house to an establishment of the commander-in-chief in Gloucester-Place; this establishment, which consisted of a splendid house, a variety of carriages, and a long retinue of servants, commenced in the year 1803, and at the head of it was placed a lady of the name of Clarke. Of that lady's name he should have occasion to make frequent mention, in connection with a number of names and facts, to shew the house that he had not taken up this subject on light grounds. The first case which he should state was that of Captain Tonyn: this officer, who held his captaincy in the 48th regiment of foot, received his commission as a captain on the 2d of August, 1802, and was promoted to a majority in the 31st regiment, in August, 1804. He was indebted for his promotion to the influence of Mrs. Clarke. Captain Tonyn was introduced to that lady by Captain Huxley Sandon, of the royal waggon train; the terms of agreement were, that Mrs. Clarke should be paid five hundred pounds upon his majority being gazetted, and this sum was, in the mean time, lodged in the hands of Mr. Jeremiah Donovan, a surgeon, of Charles-Street, St. James's-Square. This Mr. Donovan was appointed a lieutenant in the 4th royal garrison battalion, in 1802, and was afterwards promoted to the 11th battalion, but since the day of his appointment he had never joined his regiment, and seemed to have leave of perpetual absence. Major Tonyn was gazetted, and the money which had been lodged in Mr. Donovan's hands, was then paid to Mrs. Clarke by Captain Huxley Sandon. The regulated difference between a company and a majority was £1100; but in this instance Mrs. Clarke gained £500, and the * Gwyllym Lloyd Wardle, Member for Oakhampton, and Lieutenant-colonel in the Ancient British Light Dragoons. |