1

solved. This extraordinary act, which was con-
ducted with all the dignity and solemnity of
which such a ceremony was capable, served to
elicit a secret article in the late treaty at Vienna,
and paved the way to that imperial alliance, which,
by raising Napoleon to a giddy eminence, laid
the foundation of his final ruin.

The affairs of Sweden had now become des-
perate; Gustavus Adolphus IV. whose roman-
tic character set at defiance all the ordinary
calculations of prudence, had embarked his coun-
try in a war to which its resources were totally
inadequate. At the commencement of the con-
test with Russia the Swedes had displayed traits
of heroism that would have reflected honour
on the army of Charles XII. But notwith-
standing the liberal subsidy granted by Great
Britain, and the gallant exploits of the English
fleet in the Baltic, under Sir James Saumarez,
neither the population nor the finances of Sweden
were equal to the exigency of their present situa-
tion. The progress of the Russians in Finland,
and the increasing calamities of the war, aggra-
vated by the ravages of a contagious distemper,
and the knowledge of the army that it was the
fixed purpose of the king again to measure his
strength against the empires of Russia and
France, excited universal discontent; and a
confederacy was formed against Gustavus, which
terminated in his expulsion from the throne of
his ancestors. This bloodless revolution, which
took place on the 13th of March, 1809, was
effected without commotion, and the diet being
assembled at Stockholm, the Duke of Suder-
mania, uncle to the king, was declared regent,
and was afterwards chosen king to the exclusion
of his nephew.

Charles XIII. on ascending the throne of BOOK IV Sweden, professed his determination not to consent to any peace with Russia that should be CHAP. IX. disgraceful to his country, or that should oblige 1809 her to take up arms against her faithful ally Great Britain. The war between Russia and Sweden was accordingly renewed, but misfortune still attended the Swedish armies, and peace was at length purchased by the sacrifice of Finland. Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of peace with Russia, negociations were opened between Sweden and France, and on the 6th of January a treaty was concluded, by which Swedish Pomerania, with the principality of Rügen, was restored to Sweden; the former commercial relations between the two countries were revived; and the Emperor Napoleon, acting upon his usual policy, prevailed upon his new ally to adopt the continental system, and to exclude British commerce from the ports of the Baltic.

The time had now arrived when the efficacy of this system was to be fairly submitted to the test of experience: the ports of France, Italy, Holland, Russia, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden, were all closed by law against the introduction of English manufactures and merchandise; the continental system had become the law of the continent; but the spirit of British enterprise, co-operating with the wants of the various states of Europe, and assisted by the connivance of several of the involuntary auxiliaries of France, relaxed the rigours of commercial interdiction, and served to prove the futility of all attempts to destroy an intercourse grounded on the necessities and benefits of surrounding nations.

* IMPERIAL DIVORCE..

Extract from the Register of the Conservative Senate of Saturday the 16th of December, 1809:
His majesty the Emperor and King addressed the personages assembled to witness the ceremony in these terms :-
"The politics of my monarchy, the interests and wants of my people, which have constantly guided all my actions, require, that
after me I should leave to children, inheritors of my love to my people, that throne on which providence has placed me; but for several years
past I have lost the hope of having children by my marriage with my well-beloved consort the Empress Josephine. This it is which induces
me to sacrifice the sweetest affections of my heart to attend to nothing but the good of the state, and to wish the dissolution of my marriage.
Arrived at the age of forty years, I may indulge the hope of living long enough to educate, in my views and sentiments, the children which it
may please providence to give me. God knows how much such a resolution has cost my heart; but there is no sacrifice that my courage will
not surmount, when it is proved to me to be necessary for the welfare of France. I shall add, that far from ever having had reason to com→
plain, on the contrary, I have been fully satisfied with the attachment and affection of my well-beloved consort. She has adorned fifteen years
of my life, the remembrance of which will ever remain engraven on my heart. She was crowned by my hand. I wish her to preserve the rank
and title of empress; but above all, that she should never doubt my sentiments, and that she should ever regard me as her best and dearest
friend."

The Emperor having ended, her majesty the Empress spoke as follows:

"By the permission of our dear and august consort, I ought to declare, that not preserving any hope of having children, which may fulfil the wants of his policy, and the interests of France, I am pleased to give the greatest proof of attachment and devotion which has ever been given on earth. I possess all from his bounty, it was his hand which crowned me, and from the height of his throne I have received nothing but proofs of affection and love from the French people. I think I prove myself grateful in consenting to the dissolution of a marriage which heretofore has been an obstacle to the welfare of France, which deprived it of the happiness of being one day governed by the descendant of a great man evidently raised up by providence to efface the evils of a terrible revolution, to re-establish the altar, the throne, and social order. But the dissolution of my marriage will in no degree change the sentiments of my heart; the emperor will ever have in me his best friend. I know how much this act, demanded by policy, and by so great an interest, has chilled his heart; but both of us exult in the sacrifice which we

BOOK IV.

1809

CHAPTER X.

BRITISH HISTORY: Meeting of the Parliament of 1809-Monument voted to the Memory of Sir John Moore-Thanks of Parliament voted to Sir Arthur Wellesley, and the Officers and Troops under his Command-Augmentation of the Military Force of the Country-Discussions on the Convention of Cintra-Charges exhibited against His Royal Highness the Duke of York-Nature of the Evidence-Decision of the House of Commons at variance with the Public Voice-Resignation of the Commander-in-Chief-Expressions of Public Gratitude to Colonel Wardle-Abuse of India Patronage-Charge against Lord Castlereagh of trafficking in Seats in Parliament-Public Finances-Extortionate Conduct of the Dutch Commissioners-Charge of corrupt Practices preferred by Mr. Madocks against Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Spencer Perceval-Sir Francis Burdett's Plan of Parliamentary Reform-Mr. Wardle's Motion relative to the Public Expenditure— Prorogation of Parliament-Destruction of the French Fleet in Basque Roads-Naval Cperations in the Mediterranean-Colonial Conquests-Relations between Great Britain and the United States-Disastrous Expedition to the Scheldt-Dissensions in the Cabinet-Duel between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning-Dissolution of the Ministry-Ministerial Arrangements-The Jubilee.

THE parliamentary session of 1809 was more distinguished for discussions regarding the CHAP. X. domestic concerns of the country than for the agitation of those topics which concerned its foreign relations; and the charges against the commander-in-chief, grounded on an abuse of patronage in his official situation, and against his majesty's ministers, arising out of the corrupt disposal of high offices and seats in the commons house of parliament, occupied a large portion of the session, and imparted to its proceedings an unusual degree of interest and animation. On the 19th of January parliament assembled, when his majesty's speech was delivered by commission. This document, which related principally to the peninsula of Spain and Portugal, strongly recommended an augmentation of the regular army, in order that his majesty might be the better enabled, without impairing the means of defence at home, to avail himself of the military power of his dominions to conduct the great contest in which he was engaged, to a conclusion compatible with the honour of his majesty's crown, and with the interests of his allies, of Europe, and of the world.

The usual address to his majesty, which was moved in the house of lords by the Earl of Bridgewater, seconded by Lord Sheffield; and in the house of commons by the Honourable Frederick Robinson, seconded by Mr. S. B. Lushington; was carried in both houses with

out a division, but not without several strong and pointed animadversions on the manner in which the war had been conducted, and on the general policy of his majesty's government.

One of the first subjects that engaged the attention of parliament, was the expression of the feelings of the country towards those distinguished characters whose services had tended in so eminent a degree to support its military renown; and on the 25th of January, the Earl of Liverpool, in the house of peers, and Lord Castlereagh, in the house of commons, moved the thanks of parliament to the officers and men under Sir John Moore, by whose gallantry and good conduct the victory of Corunna was achieved. The battle of Corunna, it was observed, was never surpassed in the annals of military fame. The engagement took place under the most adverse circumstances; and yet so complete was the victory, that the army, after remaining unmolested for the whole night on the field of battle, were on the following day able to embark in the presence of a superior force, and without leaving a wounded soldier, a piece of artillery, or any thing which the enemy could boast of as a trophy. The triumph was indeed damped by the death of the hero who achieved the victory. It was unnecessary to expatiate on the merits of Sir John Moore; they were fresh in the memory of his country; during the two last wars there was scarcely an important service in which he was not engaged; he had indeed

devoted the whole of his life to the public service, and his memory would live for ever in the gratitude of his country.* That country would cheerfully concur in handing down to posterity an expression of its gratitude for his eminent and illustrious deeds in arms, and devote to the memory of General Moore a lasting mark of national estimation, by erecting to him a monument, as a just trophy to his fame, and an excitement to those he had left behind him to imitate his example.

In every tribute to the memory of Sir John Moore, and in every eulogium upon his character, the opposition side of the house fully concurred. It was a mark of duty and of gratitude due from the house and from the country to that immortal commander to perpetuate his memory.+ It was owing to the talents of Sir John Moore that any part of his army was brought away; and the conduct of the troops, like that of the commander, was above all praise. The failure and slaughter through which they had passed to the glorious exhibition of their valour, they owed solely to the disastrous councils which employed that valour upon a frantic and impracticable object. For what purpose was so much precious blood shed? Did it produce any advantage to the country? Were the troops sent to Spain to escape from it?§ Their lives had been squandered as little to the advantage of the country as if they had been shot on the parade of St. James's Park. The hand of Providence was upon us, Within three years we had lost two of the greatest statesmen the country ever saw; within the same time we had lost a naval hero of transcendent talents and courage; and now we had to regret the loss of a military chief, who, if it had pleased Providence to spare him to us, would have equally upheld the power and increased the glory of the country.

The motion for the thanks of parliament was carried unanimously in both houses, and a monument was voted to the memory of Lieutenantgeneral Sir John Moore.

These proceedings were succeeded by a motion for thanks to Sir Arthur Wellesley, and the officers and men under his command, for the brilliant victory obtained at the battle of Vimiera. In proposing this vote of thanks, Lord Castlereagh observed, that it was impossible to find in the military annals of Great Britain a more glorious instance of the superiority of her arms than had been displayed on that occasion. had had our victories of Egypt and of Maida; but none of these triumphs ever exceeded the victory of Vimiera, which had afforded a further striking and unquestionable proof, that whenever

*Lord Liverpool.

We

+ Lord Henry Petty.

Lord Folkstone was very ready to admit all the courage and gallantry which attached to the character of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and also the enthusiasm of the army under his command, but he objected to the vote of thanks for the battle of Vimiera, because he did not think it of that brilliant description to demand such a tribute from parliament, and because it fell short of those good consequences which ought to result from victory, and ended in a manner disgraceful to the country.

A long and animated debate ensued; after
which the vote of thanks was carried with the
sole dissentient voice of Lord Folkstone.

In the speech by his majesty's commission-
ers, at the opening of the present session of par-
liament, an augmentation of the disposable
force of the country had been strongly recom-
mended; and so early as the 2d of February
a bill was introduced into the house of com-
mons, by Lord Castlereagh, for that purpose.
His lordship, in submitting this measure to the
consideration of parliament, observed, that it
had now been ascertained, that in every extra-
ordinary crisis a considerable supply of troops
could be had for the regular army by availing
ourselves of the zeal and spirit which were
always manifested on such occasions by the
militia, who were ever willing to volunteer their
services when there was a great and pressing
necessity for increasing the disposable force;
and out of twenty-eight thousand men permit-
ted on a late occasion to volunteer from the
militia into the line, twenty-seven thousand did
actually enter within the space of twelve months.
The extent to which he now proposed to limit
the volunteering into the line would be, that no
regiment of militia should be reduced to less
than three fifths of its present force; and instead
of thirty-six thousand men, to be raised in Eng-
land, to supply the deficiency, he should now
propose only twenty-four thousand. In order to
relieve the counties from the great pressure of
the ballot, he should propose, that the expense
of raising the men to fill up the vacancies in the
militia, should be defrayed, not by the counties,
but by the public. The bounty to recruits he
should fix at ten guineas; and if the voluntary
inlistment for the militia did not succeed, and it
was found necessary to resort to a ballot, it was
his intention, in that case, to propose, that the
bounty of ten guineas should be given to the
balloted man to assist him in procuring a substi

Lord Erskine,

1809

* Gwyllym Lloyd Wardle, Member for Oakhampton, and Lieutenant-colonel in the Ancient British Light Dragoons.

£1100 was lost to the half-pay fund. This sum of £500 was paid by Mrs. Clarke to Mr. Birkett, a silversmith, in part payment for a service of plate for the establishment in Gloucester-Place, the balance for which plate was afterwards paid by the Duke of York. "From this case," said Colonel Wardle, "it is clearly deducible, that Mrs. Clarke possessed the power of military promotion; that she received pecuniary consideration for such promotion; and that the commander-in-chief was a partaker in the benent arising from such pecuniary consideration.

The second case was an exchange, concluded ou the 25th of July, 1805, through the influence of Mrs. Clarke, between Lieutenant-colonel Brooke, of the 56th regiment of infantry, and Lieutenant-colonel Knight, of the 5th dragoon guards. It was agreed that Mrs. Clarke should receive £200 on this exchange being gazetted, and as the lady wanted some money to defray the expenses of an excursion into the country, she urged the commanderin-chief to expedite this exchange; her request was made on Thursday; the exchange was gazetted upon the Saturday following, and Mrs. Clarke received in consequence the £200 from Dr. Thynne, a physician, who negociated the transaction. Here then was a case which proved that exchanges, as well as promotions, were at the disposal of Mrs. Clarke, and that the purse of the commander-inchief was saved by the supply which his mistress derived from such sources.

The next was the case of Major Shaw, appointed deputy barrack-master-general at the Cape of Good Hope. It appeared that the commander-in-chief had no favourable opinion of Major Shaw; but Mrs. Clarke interposes: he consents to pay her £1000. Of this money he immediately paid £200; shortly after he paid her £300 more; when she, finding he was backward in the payment, sent to demand the remainder; but seeing no chance of receiving it, she complains to the commander-in-chief, who immediately put Major Shaw upon the half-pay list. The honourable gentleman said, he had a letter from Major Shaw himself, stating the fact, and he never knew but one other instance of an officer being thus put on the half-pay list. Here then was a further proof, to show that Mrs. Clarke's influence extended to the army in general, and that it operated to put any officer on the half-p -pay list, and that the commander-in-chief was a direct party in her authority.

The next case to which he should advert, of the lady's influence, was that of Colonel French, of the horse guards. This gentleman was appointed to a commission for raising new levies in 1804, and the business was set on foot by Mrs. Clarke. He was introduced to her by Captain Huxley Sandon, and she was to have a certain sum out of the bounty for every recruit raised, and a certain portion of patronage in the nomination of the officers. She was waited on by Colonel French, of the first troop of horse guards, and as the levy went on, she received various sums of money by Colonel French, Captain Huxley Sandon, Mr. Corri, and Mr. Cokayne, an eminent solicitor in London. To so great a height had the practice of selling commissions in this disreputable manner arisen, that a written scale of Mrs. Clarke's prices, as contrasted with the regulated price of commissions, was sent by Mr. Donovan to Captain Tuck, to whom he very strongly recommended this path to promotion.

half-pay compassionate fund, to put money into Mrs. BOOK IV. Clarke's pocket.

of

1809

The next instance was one in which the commander- CHAP. X. in-chief himself was a direct partaker in the advantages of this traffic, by a loan to be furnished through Colonel French, the writings for which were drawn by a Mr. Grant, an eminent solicitor of Barnard's Inn, for the purpose raising £3000; but he did not receive it, because a sum of £3000 was due from government to Colonel French. Hence then it was obvious that Mrs. Clarke exercised an influence in raising the military force of the country, in disposing of commands in that force, and in converting the purchase of commissions to her own private advantage.

The honourable gentleman next alluded to the case of Captain May, of the African corps, who had attained promotion in the army over the heads of all the subalterns, though he had never joined his regiment; and was in fact still a clerk in the office of Mr. Greenwood, the army agent.

There was another circumstance in this case which he could not pass unnoticed; it was the existence of a public office in the city of London, where commissions in the army were offered to purchasers at reduced prices, and where the clerks openly and unequivocally stated, in his own presence, and in his hearing, that they were employed by the present favourite mistress of the commander-inchief, Mrs. Carey; and that, in addition to commissions in the army, they were employed to dispose of places in every department of church and state; and those agents did not hesitate to state, in words and writing, that they were employed under the auspices of two of his majesty's principal ministers.

Having gone through the whole of his statement, Colonel Wardle concluded by moving for a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the Duke of York, in respect to the disposal of military commissions; which motion was seconded by Sir Francis Burdett.

Few subjects have ever been listened to with such deep attention in the house of commons, as the speech delivered by Colonel Wardle on this occasion; and few subjects have ever taken such firm hold on the public mind. Confidently, however, as the charges were made, they were met with equal confidence by the friends of house, it was said, that so far from shrinking from the royal duke. On the ministerial side of the inquiry, the commander-in-chief was anxious for a full investigation of the business now submitted to the consideration of parliament. The matter had now assumed a tangible shape, and it behoved the honourable gentleman to establish the very serious and important charges which he had thought it his duty to exhibit. Every loyal subject had, for some time past, viewed, with the deepest concern, the continued and rapid current of anonymous scurrility which had been poured forth against the various branches of the royal family; and it was perfectly clear, that a vile jacobinical conspiracy existed against the illustrious house of Brunswick. If, in bringing forward these