considered it an act of mercy, instead of an act of severity, towards those persons who might fall under the operation of that law. For, by removing them at once, and detaining them in custody, they might be prevented from committing acts for which their lives would become forfeited. His lordship then lamented the unhappy state of Ireland, and congratulated the House and the country on the extirpation from Great-Britain of those pernicious principles, with which a great portion of the people were once in danger of being infected, and on the spirit of patriotism with which the whole nation now seemed to be roused; a spirit that he was confident would carry us safely through the great struggle we were engaged in and if unfortunately we should fail in that struggle, we should perish with the consolatory reflection, that we had done our duty to ourselves, our King, and our country.

The Earl of Rosslyn made some observations on the standing orders, which he did not consider to be of a nature so obligatory as to preclude the House from breaking through them on such an occasion as the present: nor could he conceive that any responsibility attached to the Speaker of that House, for acting in conformity to the orders of the House, if he should put the question contrary to those orders.-The two bills were then read through all their stages, and passed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, July 28.

[MINUTES.]-The Two Millions Exchequer Bills' Vote of Credit Bill; the 1,500,000 Exchequer Bills' Bill; the Quas. sia Additional Duty Bill, and the bill for regulating the exportation of tobacco, were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day.-The House, in at Committee, went through the renewed Woollen Manufacturers' Bill. The amendments were agreed to, and the bill ordered to be read a third time the next day.-Leave was given to bring in a bill for enclosing certain lands in the parish of Roxborough, in the county of Oxford.-Lord Hawkesbury brought up the bill for enabling his Majesty to settle an annuity of 16,000l. on the House of Orange; which was read a frst, and ordered to be read a second time next day.-Lord Castlereagh obtained leave to bring in a bill for exempting such persons as shall have found substitutes for the army of reserve from serving in the mili

tia of the country. Read a first time, and ordered to he read a second time the next day.-Mr. Vansittart brought up a report relating to the exportation of copper and other articles from Great Britain, in neutra! ships. Ordered to be taken into consideration next day.-The House, on the motion of Mr. Vansittart, resolved itself into a Committee, to consider of the bounties and drawbacks on sugar exported from Great Britain and Ireland.-Report to be received next day.-Mr. Vanstart brought up a bill for rectifying the mistakes of a former act, passed in the 42d year of his present Majesty, and for the better collect. ing the duties on auctions. Read a first time. The bill for regulating the exportation of tea to Ireland was read a first time. -Lord Hawkesbury moved, that the con sideration of the contested election peti tions which stand for August, be further postponed, and taken into consideration in September.-The East-India Shipping Bill was read a third time, and passed.-The Lord Mayor of London brought up a peti tion from certain persons, relative to the Bell Dock Light House Bill, and praying that counsel might be heard against the said bill.-The Dover Pilots' Bill, and the Alien Bill, were read a second time.-Mr. Alexander brought up the report on the Property Bill.

[REBELLION IN IRELAND.]-The Chancellor of the Exchequer presented to the House the following message from his Majesty: "George R. His Majesty feels the "deepest regret in acquainting the House "of Commons, that a treasonable and re

bellious spirit of insurrection has mani"fested itself in Ireland, which has been "marked by circumstances of peculiar

atrocity in the city of Dublin.- His Ma"jesty relies with perfect confidence on the "wisdom of his Parliament, that such mea"sures will be forthwith adopted as are best "calculated to afford protection and security "to his Majesty's loyal subjects in that part "of the united kingdom, and to restore "and preserve general tranquillity. G.R." After the message was read from the chair,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose and addressed the House to the following effect: there must exist in this House a general anticipation of those feelings and sentiments which his Majesty has entertained in making the communication which has just been read from the chair. There is also, I am persuaded, in this House, a disposition and fixed determination, to justify and repay that confidence which has been reposed in it by our beloved Sovereign, in adopting such

measures as may be best suited to the circumstances of the present conjuncture. Government had every reason to suppose, that the contamination of principles which had produced in former years the calamities of rebellion in Ireland had been completely done away; that the experience of the blessings which have been already enjoyed in that country since the period to which I allude, under the wise measures which were then adopted for the purpose of quelling the spirit of insurrection which was then testified; and further, that the experience which the world has already had of all those views of revolution and French principles of military despotism, would have operated upon those who were base enough to join in rebellion against the constitution of the country. These flattering hopes, I am exceedingly sorry to say, have been disappointed to a great degree. It was said by a great and eminent character, that he pitied that man who would endeayour to aggravate the crime of treason. That crime, however, must be felt to be highly aggravated by the circumstances of the present moment, when the whole body of the people of this country appear to be united, and co-operating with government in the support of our glorious constitution. Notwithstanding all that has yet happened, I am convinced that the great majority of the people in Ireland are equally unanimous in respect to the defence of their country, are equally loyal to their King, and equally anxious to support the prescut happy constitution with those inhabiting this part of the united kingdom. The crimes of high treason must, I say, be peculiarly aggravated, when, notwithstanding all the measures which have been adopted by government, a spirit of disaffection and disloyalty should have been manifested in any quarter of his Majesty's dominions; and that, too, at the very moment when we are employed in planning measures, and adopting the most prudent precautions, for the express purpose of supporting our most excellent constitution. Lamentable, indeed, it was, at this critical conjuncture of affairs, that any portron of his Majesty's subjects should have been laying plans which were detrimental to the very existence of that glorious constitution under which they have lived and enjoyed so many blessings. I must view it as a circumstance deeply to be deplored, that in one part of the united kingdom, any set of men should be endeavouring even to encourage that enemy against whom we, in this part of the kingdom, are so firmly uniting, to repel from our shores, in case he should

dare to approach our country. I am persuaded, however, that the number of those who are so rebelliously disposed, even in that part of the united kingdom, is but small, and that there is still a strong and prevalent disposition existing to oppose our mutual enemy. I shall have the honour of laying before the House, after this question is disposed of, information concerning the particular instances of insurrection contained in the proclamation issued by the Lord Lieut. of Ireland; but I cannot conceive that any information can be reckoned necessary to persuade the House to agree to the address which I am about to propose. I am convinced that the mind of that man who is ardently interested for the welfare and prosperity of his country must sicken with indignation and shame, on the very mention of schemes tending to the subversion of its constitution. Parliament, I think, has a right to expect the admiration, the thanks, and the gratitude of the whole body of the virtuous and loyal inhabitants of the united kingdom, for their activity and exertion on all such critical occasions, in order to restore tranquillity. In the full persuasion, therefore, that there will be no difference of opinion, I beg leave to propose, "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House for his most gracious message; to assure his Majesty, that we learn with the strongest feelings of regret and indignation, that a treasonable and rebellious spirit of insurrection has manifested itself in Ireland, which has been marked with circumstances of peculiar atrocity in the city of Dublin; that his Majesty may be assured of the readiness and determination of his faithful Commons, to adopt forthwith such measures as may appear to them to be best calculated to afford protection and security to his Majesty's loyal subjects in that part of the united kingdom, and to restore and preserve general tranquillity."-After this question has been disposed of, I shall then submit to the House the proclamation which has been issued in Ireland by the Lord Lieutenant.

Mr. Windham said, Sir, having heard the motion which has just now been proposed by the right hon. gent. I cannot forbear expressing my sentiments on the subject. The proposing of an address to the throne upon the very same day on which his Majesty's message has been delivered, is a thing which is exceedingly unusual in parliamentary proceedings. I think it may be reckoned respectful to the crown, to make a small interval of time betwixt his Majesty's message and the address which is now proposed; be

cause it testifies more strongly that degree of attention which we, his Parliament, have paid to it. It is exceedingly desirable for the House that such delay should be interposed, that they may know what answer in their wisdom seems to be most proper. The objects comprehended by this message, however, are not at present fit for mature consideration. In the present instance, I entertain no doubt of the propriety of the House assenting to the purpose of his Majesty's message, but there might be a question, whether or not that message really contained all that was conformable to our feelings

on the occasion? The assent which must be given to any message from the crown, must not only express our general concurrence in the matters therein comprehended, but it ought also to signify our real sentiments and ideas upon the subject. Were not this the case, I have no doubt that an immediate answer might on the present occasion be returned, but it has not been the practice of this House to do so. The right. hon. gent. has given us to understand, that he would not think it prudent to detain the House with the particulars of this important intelligence, previous to his motion being adopted; so that we are just left in a state of sufficient information to make such an answer as he has now proposed. If this conduct be adopted, and reckoned prudent, 1 should wish to know, why the other practice has ever prevailed? If the bare statement of measures be enough, then it would be thought unbecoming in Parliament ever to enter into any minute consideration of a message, previous to its adopting an answer to be returned to his Majesty. Now, upon this particular subject, I can really conceive, that there is a great deal of information and mature deliberation wanted, before we can frame an address which could be reckoned proper for the occasion. When we have something more than this general communication of a rebellion having broken out in Ireland, many different reflections may arise out of the particulars in regard to what this House ought either to say or do. Is it an easy matter to say, that Ireland has been surprised by an open rebellion or insurrec tion having broken out, that government have been so ignorant of their dangers, that even the capital of that part of the united kingdom has been almost wrested from them by means of that rebellion.? Are not these points on which the House would wish to be informed, before they think of adopting any final answer to such a communication? If it were said that such information could not be now submitted, but that the earliest

opportunity of doing so should be embraced for that purpose, I would willingly allow my objections to fall to the ground, and should be of the same opinion with the right hon. gent. that, without knowing more, we should testify our desire and inclination to assist his Majesty. Such, however, not being the case, and this being all the information we are to procure upon the subject, previous to our voting an address, I say that the House is thereby precluded from all opportunity of entering into the consideration of the subject. The right hon. gent, has expressed his flattering hopes and expectations as to this rebellion only affecting a very small part of that country, and of its being prevalent only amongst a very small portion of its inhabitants; but even as to that circumstance, in our present situation, we are notable to say yes or no. Soon after the existence of the last violent insurrection in that kingdom, we had heard reports very different indeed from those which are testified by the present message. We were given to understand by our government, that every thing was perfectly tranquil in that part of the kingdom. An hon. officer, (Col. Archdale) who has often distinguished himself in this House, not long ago observed, when conversing upon this very topic, that, without a knowledge of the local facts, it was impossible to-procure accurate information as to the real situation of a country; but that it consisted with his knowledge, that all was perfectly quiet in that part of his Majesty's dominions. For my part, however, I must confess that I cannot conceive it possible, except by the interference of some miracle, that the peasauts of that country, whose minds were lately so agitated, and whose hands were employed in forging pikes for the destruction of all the loyal inhabitants within their reach, should, all of a sudden, be converted into the very contrary description of men, and become perfectly loyal and peaceable subjects. In addition to these conciliatory ac counts, I may observe, by way of question, how came government not to have been bet ter prepared for emergencies, such as the present? How comes it to pass, that the capital of that part of the united kingdom was within an ace of being taken, and the government overturned? It appears, from all these circumstances, that the government of the country may be snatched away, without the least notice being previously given to the House, as to the real existing dangers. This being the state of things, it required the greatest consideration of Parliament to know, what ought to be done. The delay of even twenty-four hours has been objected

to in the present instance. Nor can I de termine, whether the urgency of the case can be so great as to preclude the urgency of consideration. I really think it is a little curious, that the fortifying of London, which has been a subject lately under discussion in this House, and which has been stated by ministers to have been in contemplation for a series of years past, especially during fumours of invasion, has to this day been delayed, but has now, at this present moment, become a matter of such extreme urgency, as not to admit of the smallest delay; within these few days indeed, of so great importance was expedition and promptitude reckoned as to fortifying London, that ministers could not even allow themselves time deliberately to discuss the subject in this House, so as to determine whether the top of a hill or the bottom of a valley were the most proper places for the erection of fortifications. Such a conduct, on the part of ministry, is perfectly inconsistent. I may conclude by saying, that if this address is at present to be agreed to, it should, in my opinion, be done. only pro forma, and then the matter taken into consideration and deliberate discussion; it being a practice not countenanced by the general rules of the House, to vote an immediate address to any message from his Majesty.

Mr. Sheridan said, I do not rise for the purpose either of voting for the present address, merely pro forma, nor do I rise to reply to the observations which have fallen from the right hon. member who has just sat down; I know that no answer becomes necessary, in the present instance, to any thing that gentleman has said. No reply is requisite, in order to do away any argument used against the proposed measure; for, sure I am, that a cordial agreement already prerails in the House as to the motion now under discussion. As for argument, I may say, that the right hon. member has urged none, and therefore I rise, principally to express my astonishment, that there should be a man in this House, who could think of stating the least objection, or hesitate a moment as to the propriety of adopting the proposed measure on such a pressing emergency. He has stated the usual practice of the House; but, Sir, I would ask, are not even forms to give way to such an important matter as that now under discussion? I like the scheme the better, because we are obliged to proceed in an unusual manner. He has said, that even twenty-four hours are not of great consequence in such a case as this. I beg leave to differ most decidedly from the right hon. gent, as to that particu VOL. IV.

lar.

I would wish him to reflect, what effect such a delay would have in Ireland. When thousands in that country would be trembling and looking with anxiety to our present deliberations, and others perhaps at this moment sharing the same fate as that of the unfortunate chief justice in that country, who has already fallen a sacrifice to a most rebellions and audacious mob, what would the people of Ireland think, if they understood that we had adjourned for the space of twenty four hours? No; let us not make the smallest delay in returning that answer, which the emergency of the case requires. The right hon. gent. wishes to reproach ministers for having discouraged the loyal part of the inhabitants of Ireland. His allegations seemed to be totally unfounded. I hope and trust, that no insurrection of the kind he has alluded to, has existed on this occasion. Is it to go forth to the people of Ireland, upon his simple authority, that the insurgents were in such union as to be able to take the very capital? That would be calling forth insurrection and rebellion over all the united kingdom. Whenever the right hon. gent., who has moved this address, chooses to bring forward the matter for more deliberate discussion, I shall most cordially and attentively enter into it; but, at present, I am strongly of opinion, that no delay ought to take place in regard to the adoption of the proposed motion.

Mr. Hutchinson said, that after hearing such accounts of his countrymen in Ireland, he looked to that part of the united kingdom with horror and disgust; and was almost afraid to own himself of that country; but, be trusted, that he could venture to match himself with any man in point of loyalty. At a time like the present, when the screams of the widow, and the tears of the orphan were reaching our ears, he thought that no delay ought to intervene, so as to obstruct the adoption of some speedy measures for their relief. As he knew the blessings of the constitution of his country, he was determined to die in support of it; and as he loved his country, this address had his most cordial concurrence. He hoped and trusted, that the loyal part of that country might not be confounded with the murderers and traitorons part of it. He thought that we should mark our zeal and determination to suppress rebellion, and at the same time manifest ourselves to be wise, prudent, and humane in our measures. Whatever might be his feelings as to his country, he trusted that strong measures would be adopted in its behalf on the present occasion; and whatever errors in his humble judgment there might * U