" inexplicable conduct of the Northern "Courts." The correspondent, from whom we have received a good deal of information on this subject, and who writes from the banks of the Elbe, concludes his letter thus:-" Prussia wishes to possess himself "of the best part of Hanover, which, how"ever, Russia will oppose. Buonaparté is "far from wishing to separate this Electo"rate from the crown of Great Britain; "but, he will not be dictated to by Rus"sia; and you must not be surprised, if you very soon hear, that France and Prus"sia are pitted against Russia and Den* mark." This notion seems to be strengthened by accounts recently received from other quarters. We sincerely hope it may be correct, and that, instead of an enemy, we may find, in Russia, a zealous friend; but of this we still entertain very great doubts, not to be overcome by any thing short of overt acts of friendship, on the part of that power.

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THE STADTHOLDER is, it seems, at last to receive his indemnity from Great Britain. This was predicted by all those, who made a strenuous opposition to the peace. In reply to Lord Carlisle, in the House of Lords, on the 5th of May, 1802, Lord Cornwallis said: "with respect to my having deserted, or "suffered to be deserted, the interests of the "Prince of Orange and those of his adhe

rents, I disdain the imputation. I have "deserted no interests, which this country

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who penned the treaty, and the Plenipotentiary who negotiated and concluded it, all positively asserting, that this treaty provides for a full and adequate compensation, for all the losses, of whatever nature, sustained by the Prince of Orange and his House; and yet, we now find these very persons coming to Parliament, and there demanding to be extracted, from the pockets of the people of England, a compensation for that same Prince of Orange!-Will these wise men now say, that the treaty being rendered void by the war, we are called upon to fulfil the stipulations, which have not been fulfilled by others. Admitting, for a moment, the soundness of this principle, we then ask, how the papers lately laid before Parliament happen not to contain any remonstrance, on this subject, from his Majesty, to any one of the other contracting parties. The peace lasted ten months, at least; and, how happened it, that, during that time, no effort was made to cause the 18th article of it to be fulfilled?- -Let it be observed, that one of the reasons, which made parliament approve of the peace, was, that a "full and "adequate compensation" was thereby obtained for the House of Orange; the ministers, therefore, in making no attempt to enforce the fulfilment of the treaty in that respect, clearly showed, that the stipulation, of which we are speaking, was a mere device to deceive the parliament and the nation. Of the same description was the article relative to the sums, which France was to pay for the maintenance of her prisoners of war. In discussing the merits of the treaty, great stress was laid on this article; but, since the season of discussion has been passed, Lord Hawkesbury has had the modesty to declare, that nothing was ever expected to be received in virtue of this stipulation!--There never was a nation so barefacedly cheated and abused, as this nation has been by the present ministers, the silent submission to whose insolence and caprice is, perhaps, the most fatal symptom now apparent in the country; because, such a submission argues a degree of indifference totally incompatible with that loyalty, that pairiotism, that high public-spirit, which are absolutely necessary in a crisis like the present.

was bound in honour to maintain; and I "have not the smallest doubt, that, in conMequence of the 18th article of the Definitive "Treaty, a full and ample compensation will "be procured fur the Prince of Orange and "bis adberents -The Lord Chancellor said, “that the pledged faith of nations was "an ample security for the execution of the "article, which stipulated to procure a full compensation for the losses suffered by the House of Orange."- Lord Auckland said: "he derived great consolation from the "noble Marquis declaration, that the 18th "article would be solemnly fulfilled by the "contracting parties."-In the Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, on the 3d of May, that, as to the Prince of Orange," the treaty certainly contained "terms for adequate compensation; for, it is "said, that for losses suffered, as well in private property, as by the change of con"stitution adopted in that country, an ade"quate compensation should be procured for the House of Nassau, for losses not 66 only of a territorial nature, but of private 好 property."Here, then, we find the King's Prime Minister, the Lerd Chancellor,

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FINANCE. Since our last we have ob. served, in the public prints, some very malignant insinuations respecting the opinions, which we entertain relative to the Funds. A gentleman, who was present when the subscription, which is now going on, was opened at Lloyd's Coffee-House, let fall some expressions, which were construed to mean, that he thought a national bankruptcy an

event which might, probably, be at no very great distance. These expressions were

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said to have brought on him the fearful reprehension of certain wholesale dealers in joans. He explained, through the columns of a London news paper called the Morning Post, the editor of which, professed to experience peculiar pleasure at this mark of contrition, because...... because, forsooth, a weekly publication was making an attempt to destroy public credit! The words are these: "At a moment when attempts are made, in "a weekly publication, to destroy public cre"dit, on which the independence of the coun"try so much depends at this moment; "when we are told, that the Public Funds " and the British Monarchy can no longer "exist together, we feel great pleasure in giving the following letter a place."-Now, who, from reading this introduction, would not have imagined, that the letter itself contained a refutation of our opinions? No such thing! The letter contains a mere denial, on the part of the writer, of having made a public avowal of the sentiment imputed to him; but no disavowal of the sentiment itself, in which, we are inclined to think, he fully participates with us. -But, be this as it may, no.hing but conviction of our error will make us retract one word of what we have said on this subject, notwithstanding the base misrepresentations of the news papers, and the clamour of stock-jobbers, be they who they may --We deny the charge of wishing to destroy the credit of the coun ry: we wish, on the contrary, to see that credit renovated. Besides, if our opinions are good for nothing, they will have no weight. This is a point on which we stand quite alone: we have yet heard of no one, friend or foe, excep! Mr. Stock, who does not differ from us as to the necessity of a national sponge: well then, what we say can do no harm; and we are utterly astonished, that the puissant Morning Post, whose proprietor is continually making su h a swearing about its extensive circulation, should think our whimsical notions an object worthy of its censure. be fact is, however, that, though no one will, even in private conversation, back our opinion, every one, capable of calculation, mus' perceive that this opinion is well founded; and, however the interests of men may lead them to disguise their sentiments, events will soon oblige them to confess, that, if the independence of the country depends upon the existence of the funds, Englishmen are doomed to be slaves. Amidst all the misrepresentation and abuse, which has been brought on us by the publication of our opinions on this

subject, we console ourselves by recollecting what passed at the time of making the peace. We then stood almost alone; we were then abused for our obstinacy in opposing the general sentiment, and, when we came into a court of justice to demand redress for the wrongs done us, we were, by the magistrate who presided on the occasion, insolently charged with " perverseness," because we refused to obey the orders of an infamous mob, headed by two of Lord Auckland's clerks! On that occasion the London news papers, never the last in works of baseness, represented us as "Americans, "who were thriving by the war, and who, "therefore, obstinately refused to humour "the people of England by putting up a can"dle in honour of the peace."--When we recollect all this; when we look back and see how the nation has, man by man, sneaked into the opinions which we then avowed, and which hardly any other person dared to avow, we laugh at the anger of the stockjobbing news-papers and their stock-jobbing readers; we look forward to the moment, when our country shall be relieved from the insupportable burden, which now weighs it down to the earth; we anticipate with joy the sight of that majesty, with which she will then tower over her malignant enemy. We do not say, we have never said, that the present struggle cannot be successfuly terminated without an annihilation of the national debt; but, we do say, that it cannot so soon be terminated, that it cannot be terminated so well, and, that, if the debt continue, it is very probable, that, at least, we shall conclude another disgraceful and shortlived peace.The course which the funds are taking, does by no means, favour the opinions of our adversaries. The Omnium is down at 11 per cent. below par. We told Mr. Addington, that the men who should lend him money, would deserve to die in a work house. We, then put the case of this loan's falling to 20 per cent. below par, and we started the supposition of its never being paid in at all. Six millions is, indeed, a mere trifle compared to loans that have been paid in; but trifing as it is, we should not be at all surprized if it were never to be completed; and, what is more, we should not be at all sorry for it-Do we wish to see the ruin of our country? The man who perfers such a charge against us is a base miscreant. We wish to see our country great and happy; we wish to see the people confide in their own strength and valour, and not in those aerial guardians, "capital, credit, and confidence," we do not like an "independence which depends" on any thing,

and we have a particular aversion to a na tional independence which depends upon the value of certain little bits of paper, though the said bits of paper should be kept under the care, and should even be honour ed with the signature, of MR. ASLETT himSelf-Connected with the foregoing topio is that of the surplus of the Consolidated Fad, a topic which the minister has lately had the indiscretion to start afresh. Our readers will please to recollect, that the minister, in his former estimates, took the surplus of the Consolidated Fund, for the current year, at 6,500,000, as being a sum "far "arbin the bounds," to which he expected the surplus to extend. We asserted, even from the moment that this estimate was made, that the surplus would fall far short of the sum taken. Two quarters of the year have now elapsed: the surplus of the first amounted to £1,037,332, and, of the second, to nearly" £1,186,000. Nearly is the word made use of by the minister; but we will suppose it to amount to quite that sum, and then the surplus of the two quarters will make £2,223,332. The minister now tells the Public, that the surplus for the two remaining quarters of this year will be £4231,500, which leaves a deficiency of only about £50,000 Upon observing the manner, in which he makes out this estimate, we cannot help lifting our hands and eyes, exclaiming, at the same time,-" was there "ever a nation so easily humbugged!"-This man was certainly born for the express purpose of relieving the nation from its burdens! His delightful scheme of taxing the funds, and of turning the Bank into an Excise-Office, was, unfortunately, frustrated; but, if be be only left to himself for nine or ten mouth, longer, he will do the thing; in another way, to be sure, yet not less effectually. Contempt and ridicule light upon the man who pities the stock-dealing tribe! This tribe, it was who supported the Richmond Park Minister in making the peace of Amiens, in bartering away the honours of the flag, in Felding Napper Tandy to the French; in all those stipulations and those measures, by which the nation was plunged into disgrace and infamy, and this tribe, this worst of all the gangs of Jews, this tribe of Judas Iscariot, ought to suffer --We must again observe, that the French funds continue to rise as ours continue to fall! If, therefore, it be "a war of finance," as Lord Auckland used to call the last war, what a deplorable prospect have we before us! After the conclusion of the peace, the French funds rose to 53f, and the Engash to 78. The French are now at 53 f. 10c, and the English at 51; so that,

since the peace of Amiens, the French funds have, upon the whole, fallen none at all, while the English have fallen 27 per centum! This is Lord Hawkesbury's

capital, credit, and confidence!" No; it is, thank God, no war of finance: it is a war of naval and military efforts, a war of blows, in which war, if we set our money at defiance, we shall come off victorious; but in which, if we are still fools enough to hanker after the conservation of our wealth, or, to speak more correctly, the conservation of that wealth in the hands of two or three hundred blaspheming Jews, we shall certainly fall.

THE FORTIFYING OF LONDON, which our Readers will find proposed in an official note from Lord Cathcart to the Marquis of Titchfield, must bring to their minds what passed, in Parliament, some little time ago, relative to the defence of the Capital. Mr. Windham thought it proper, during the debate of the 23d of June, to state, that the notion, which had been thrown out, in the House of Lords, that, if the enemy landed in force, a battle must, at all events, be fought between the coast and the capital, ought not to be hastily adopted; for, that, though to protect London would be very desirable, yet that England must not be sacrificed merely for the sake of that one city. In observing upon this, those two wise ministers, Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Addington, who appear to emulate each other in every species of temerity and imbecility, made use of the words contained in the motto to this Number of the Register. They blew themselves up quite into a foam at the bare idea of the enemy's reaching London. What will they say now? It appears that the fortifying of London has been long in contemplation. Did the two wise ministers not know this? Or, knowing it, did they, nevertheless think it politic and manly to represent Mr. Windham as creating despondency amongst the people? If to state the enemy's coming to London as a possible case was to plunge the people in despair, what must be the effect of Lord Cathcart's general-like note? What must be the effect, not only of a serious proposal for fortifying London, but of communicating the plan to the enemy, before a single spit of earth is thrown up?-Neither Lord Cathcart nor Lord Titchfield would have caused this note to be published in the news-papers, without the approbation of the Cabinet; how, then, will the wise ministers, above cited, justify their censure on, the, speech of Mr, Windham?

THE REBELLION IN IRELAND, of which an account will be found in another part of this paper, has excited less sensation, in England, than might have been expected. The feeling of horror against the bloody minded wretches, who murdered the Lord Chief Justice is, indeed, universal; but the nation is arming, and, in the same degree that it is armed, it will be bold.-Two Bills have been passed by the Parliament; one for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other for introducing martial law in Ireland. Very proper measures most certainly; but, another measure, not less proper, would be, instantly to displace all those, under whose government, under whose very noses, this rebellion has been hatched, ourtured, and brought to perfection. The people can have no confidence in men, who, day after day, have been telling them, that every spark of discontent was extinguished in Ireland, and that there prevailed in that country, an unanimous hatred of Buonaparté and of revolutionary principles. Either the government were totally ignorant of the state of Ireland, or they have been sedulously endeavouring to deceive the Parliament and the nation. But, to dwell upon particular parts of their conduct is to lessen the indignation excited by the whole con sidered together. These weak or these wicked men assumed the reins of power at a time when the United Kingdom was tranquil within and successful without; at a time when no part of His Majesty's domiions was regarded as being exposed to danger; when the fleet was full of men, powerful, sound at heart, and blockading all the enemy's ports; when the army would, after a considerable reduction, have been sufficiently strong for all purposes, both at home and abroad, and when it was kept up by volunteer enlistments. In the short space of two years how has the scene been changed! Eleven valuable possessions given up to the enemy by peace; His Majesty's hereditary dominions siezed from him by the first blow of the war, military conscriptions and requisitions introduced into this country; the taxes doubled; London about to be fortified, and a rebellion in Dublin! Such is the change; such are the proofs of that wisdom and that attachment to be constitution, which MR. SHERIDAN has discovered in the present ministry, and for which discovery he has been so highly eulo gized by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let us consider, not who is the minister,

assert, that he will be highly admired by posterity, when his political conduct shall "be faithfully detailed in the page of history; and I wish some persons, who op

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pose him, entertained the same purity of "public principle."--Why did the Chancellor introduce the epithet “public?" Why not say "purity of principle?" which would have embraced both public and pri vate? -We heartily agree with the candid minister in these his candid sentiments respecting the patriotism of MR. SHERIDAN, which has broken forth on so many critical occasions, and which has never failed to bring great consolation to our minds, because, having a high opinion of MR. SHERIDAN'S sagacity, we have always re garded these ebullitions as a pretty sure sign that the country would finally triumph. With respect to Irish rebellions, indeed, MR. SHERIDAN has not, if our memory serves us, always been perfectly correct; and, if we have much judgment of the matter, the records of the assizes at Maidstone will contribute but very little towards that historical page, which the sapient Mr. Addington foresees posterity will read with admiration! Far, however, be it from us to join Mr. Windham in his sarcasins on this interchange of civilities. That the Premier righteously deserved the praises of Mr. Sheridan is generally admitted; and, we trust, that Mr. Windham himself, when he reflects on the character and conduct of the parties, will be ready to allow, that nothing could be at once more natural and more appropriate, than an eulogium on Mr. Sheridan, coming from “the sitting part of Mr. Pitt *."

* Vide Mr. Sheridan's Speech on the Definitive Treaty, 24th May, 1802, where he called Mr. Addington "the sitting part of the Ex-Minister." -Register, Vol. II. 1366.

Several communications are unavoidably postponed. We particularly regret leaving out INQUISITOR'S 5th letter, which shall, however, have a place next week.-Our OXFORD correspondent may be assured that we have not overlooked his excellent article.--A SURREY MAGISTRATE was entitled to immediate attention; but he will founded, and shall be stated next week, without see that it was impossible. His complaint is well

fail.

VOL. IV No. 5.]

P. 1323

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INQUISITOR.

LETTER V.

July 23, 1803.

DEAR SIR,-In my letter of last week, Indicated to you some hat at length the mode which I should be desirous of pursing for asserting the claim of the King of France, and for re establishing him on his throne.---That mode is the most open and nepirocal, that could be devised; and, I wish it to be of that description, as being the most honourable, and at the same time the most efficacious 1 believe, I have, in a former letter, adduced some reasons which make me believe that our sincerity may very reasonably be donbted, if we have any tug in the slightest degree less plain and less clear than it is possible to make it; and, if our sincerity is doubted, we shall have no Co-operation from those who must be the principal actors, and on whom the work chiefly depends.The French Royalists having once taken up arms, and having been excited to persevere in the contest by our assurance of support and assistance; having been, after that, abandoned completely at the peace of Amiens; it is not to be expected or hoped, that those who have survived the barcheries, the deportations, and all the vexations that have ever since been putting into execution against them, should be very zealous to expose themselves to a renewal of sim lar labours, and similar sufferings, with out some reasonable assurance, that they will not again be thus scandalously given up into the hands of their cruel and mortal enemies. On this ground, I think it is of absolute necessity, that the plan, if undertaken, should be confessed openly, and proclaimed to the world as loudly and as distinctly as possible. On the other ground, of the glory of the achievement, I think it no less essential. We want that glory to re-establish our character, which, whether justly or unjustly, I shall not now argue, but which is blasted in the opinion of all Europe; we want it to regain their confidence; we want it as a

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means of strength and resistance against our enemies.-For national honour and glory is not a mere empty bubble, as many now a-day profess to think it.—It is a positive source of strength and power in the hands of those who know how to use it.It is a weapon well suited for offence, but of wonderful efficacy and force in defence.Not in that sort of defence which now seems the fashion, and which consists in repelling the enemy, whom you have suffered to come and attack you; but in that, which is, I think, infinitely preferable, namely, an endeavour to make the enemy afraid of even attempting to attack you.-In this point of view, I should conceive, that a little glory would not be unacceptable to his Majesty's ministers at the present moment.--For my own part too, I should wish the country to be treated with the acquisition of this glory, in hopes, that as they have not been much indulged of late in any thing of the sort, they may become captivated with it, as children are with a new play-thing; and learn at last to amuse themselves with something more substantial, more really worthy of them, than the glory of the " Magnifi"cent Receipts" at the Custom-House, and of their "commercial greatness."the above reasons it is, that while I recommend and urge most strongly an attempt to re-establish monarchy in France, in the person of the legitimate Sovereign of that country, Lewis XVIII. I must deprecate any attempt of the sort by underhand means.—I have heard that money might do it doubt it altogether.-But, admitting for a moment that it might, and which I only do for argument's sake.-I should prefer the other mode-1st. on account of the honour attending that mode, which must necessarily be entirely lost if this one be adopted-2d. because, at all events, from the nature of it, it could not be so effectual for the peace and repose of Europe.-My plan of a cogress, as mentioned in my last, for arranging the balance of power in Europe, must

-For