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of course fall to the ground, and we should | might authorize too somewhat of the accubave at least Lewis XVIII. with all Buona- sation of Punic Faith, which has been ofien parté's power, instead of Buonaparté; a made. In short, for my own part, I think, most desirable change no doubt; but which the bad consequences of a discovery in this would not, to my mind, be quite sufficient. case would be so many and so grievous, I do not wish to see Lewis XVIII. wielding that even if there was little chance of such so immense a power as that of the First a discovery (and I believe there would, on Consul. - For the liberties of Earope I the other hand, be great chance of it), and deprecate it.-And for the sake of the king- even if in its other parts, I thought the ly cause, the cause of justice against fraud, scheme as adviseable as I think it is impothe cause of lawful claims against usurped litic; even in ibat case, før fear of this dise goes.--I hepe not to see that Monarch ex- covery, I would not attempt it at all. In tending his dominion over countries added opposition to all these objections, I know to his empire by treachery, fraud, and vil- not what advantages can be urged. I be. Jany.-3d. On account of the dangers of lieve though, that the reasons for which it the plan. These are in truth so many and bas been adopted are, 1st, a notion of its so great, that I doubt whether they would cheapness, and, 2dly, an idea that it will not altogether be an absolute impediment to then not be necessary to make any public it.on my mind they are such, that I declaration, and that, therefore, the country certainly would not choose to adopt any will not be pledged to any thing specific, plan subject to them; and, I think, no rea- but left at liberty to shift for herself, as opsonable man would.- Let us consider a portunities may occur. With respect to the little what they are! In the first place there cheapness of íhis plan, I doubt its having is the danger of a discovery.-Any event of that quality. If you mean tu bribe, I sup. that sort would be of course fatal to those pose you would bribe some general of great whose assistance may ihus have been gained ; authority and influence in the first instance. and this to an honourable mind would be Such a person would, I doubt; not experi a sufficient, I should imagine, to outweigh all very handsome and liberal donum. The the supposed advantages of the plan. For next thing to be done would be to enable how would a man feel, when he heard of Ilie him to debauch a part of the army (the execution of persons, who only became lia- more of course the better), which would ble to it through his means, and at his in. also be a work of no little expense. And stigation ? But the bad consequences of a lastly, I presume, you would wink to enable discovery do not end here. The whole him to commence an open revolt, and wage scheme would of course be entirely detect. war wich ihe First Consul.. In this case ed, and whatever progress had been made, you would have 10 pay the revolted army, and whalever monry spent, she work would and to support all the expense of a civil be to be brgun afresh. And then it could Fur observe, by the very essence of not be a work of the same difficulty and your plan you are precluded from doing any danger only; but a work of increased dan- libing u yon principle ; you must, therefore, gers, and increased difficulties; increased do it all by money: I should wish some ad. on account of the fear persons would enter- socale für this scheme would detail the protain of entering on a schen.e already once bable expenses of it; rating the first donum detected, and on account of the additional to the general, the buying of the army, and precautions and vigilance, ibat would be the expose of the civil war, each as low as exerted afier the discovery of our attempt to

he re: sonably can; and putting too the du. detect new ones. The discovery tod, in this ration of bat civil war at as short a period case, is not a very pleasant circumstance. as he can expect; and then, I wish, he That a country, which has even 'a pretence would fairly compare the probable expenses to call it-elf, and esteem irself a great coun. of his scheme wiih mine (as detailed last try, should attempi to pursue a great plan of week), and I have no fear of the result. But policy by bribes and underhand means, is besides all this, we muat take possible disnot a very dignified oor a very noble line of advantageous circumstances into considerapolicy. Ji is worthy only of a people who tion; for, hitherto, we have supposed the think of nothing but money ; whose God is whole to go on as prosperously as possible. their gold; who think it will clothe them Suppose the general were to require a second and feed them, and fight for them, and do donum, or threaten 10 betray us; or suppose, every thing for them.

The discovery of that after the second donum he actually were such a plan of action, would, I am afraid, to betray us; and, without giving us any infully justify all the reproaches thrown out timation of his treachery, were to continue against us as a nation of shop-keepers, '10 to receive our money, and band it over into


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the French Treasury; or, suppose, that the Nations, a right to interfere in behalf of civil war were to be protracted to a great lawful claims against usurpation and rebel. length. In any of these cases wbo will ven- lion; and this right is as fresh, as entire, ture even to calculate the expense. In short, and as good now as it was the day after this plan is, I think, fundamentally bad.

Lewis XVI. was beheaded. I have no book Its object is to do that by money, which by me at present, but if you wish to refer should be done, and can be done effectual. to books you can easily do it; and in the ly, by nothing but principle; and in its pro- last edition of Mr. Burke's Works you will gress, it is as bad as in its principle. It at- find extracts from different authors to that rempis to establish a just and viriuous claim | point. But our right is now of a much by underhaod means; and the agents it em- stronger kind --- for the usurping and ploys for this purpose are bought traitors. rebellious power bears towards us the The second argumen, in favour of this plan, most bitter batred and animosity; it has viz. that thereby the country is pledged to the will, and gigantic means to injure nothing specific; is, I think, more spe

and destroy us. Is it then to be stated, cious, but equally fallacious. — In point that we have no right to prevent it from of fact

, if a geäeral is bought, and when carrying that avowed hatred into execu67 bought acts fairly by us ; we are tion? If every authority was on the other as much pledged to him as we can be to side instead of being with us, I should still any body by an open declaration. I much say we had. Among individuals a man has a fear

, however, that the feeling which dice right to slay his adversary, if such slaughter lates this argument is very general. I fear is necessary to preserve his own life. In it because it is very base. No one objects nations, the principle goes one step farther, to the re-establishment of Lewis XVIII.- and it is morally impossible for a couptry to I believe there are few who would not be do any thing, which can conduce to its own glad of it; but people are afraid that to ac- destruction. But we are told by minisiers complish it would give them a great deal of themselves, that it is impossible to be at trouble, and would take up a great deal of peace with the revolutionary government of time. They are, therefore, well enough in France. Eternal war is a nont prodigious clined to begin the work, but wish to do it evil; peace, with the revolutionary govern in such a way as to be able to skulk out ment of France, is destruction; what then and avoid the trouble, if they find a favour. remains, but to destroy that revolutionary able opportunity. This is just the way ne- government? The Law of Nations autho. net to accomplish any thing at all. Not rizes us to do so, even if it were not danibat I ever did or ever can recommend the gerous ; the Law of Nature commands us to making the restoration of Lewis XVIII. to do so, because it is dangerous ; who then, ibe throne of France the sine qua non of

or. what law then, shall prevent it? peace with France.

I should think the So much for this plan of defence, which professing such a thing, would be braving may be called the moral mode of defending the dispensations of Providence, and amount the country at the present emergency, as in to absolute impiety. But this I will say; opposition to the physical mode by strength I said it before the treaty of Amiens ; I re- of troops and artillery. I do not mean to peat it now, that I would make a well- set it up in opposition to the other; but to grounded expectation of security, the sine urge it as a very efficacious and salutary

non of peace ; and in my conscience, I plan, which may go along with it. They believe, that that expectation can never be

will both work at the same time, and both obtained till the revolution of France is en. tend to the same object, the permanent setirely put an end to, and the power of curity of the country and of peace. With France is curtailed. Of this I am sure, that respect to the physical defence of the counBothing can produce that expectation so try, since my last ihe House of Commons catirely and so completely as the accom- have received and passed a bill for further plishment of these objects'; and, therefore, arming and training the people. I have I bave no hesitation in recommending the been prevented by various occupations from pursuit of them openly, unreservedly, and taking advantage of 's hindness, and in the manner most likely to render that getting a seat in the gallery during the depursuit effectual. Now, there is, I should bates on this bill. loc outline, however, hope

, no one at this time of day, who will as far as I understand it, I will endeavour attempt to maintain the opinion, ibat we have to describe. All the males in the lugu no right to interfere in the internal govern. between the ages of 17 and 60 are in 13 ment of France. We have, according to all enrolled. These are to be divided into the most approved writers on the Law of classes, according to their respective a:

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and situations, with respect to wives and I rish, not in luxury as of late gears, not in families. The first class is to be immedi- effeminacy and debauchery, but in power ately irained to arms on stated days of the magnificent, in bonour conspicuous, in liweck, and ihe other classes are to be liable beriy most happ' ; aumired by a l, reaprto to be called upon, as the preceding ones are ed and feared, yet roi bobeid onlaj alorsy calied away to service. This, I believe, is or hatred, because using all its power and tre general plan, though not having road all its means for the good of others, for ile it, I am not very positive as to the faci. I support of justice and of liberty. All Lido not krow any of the details, nor do I rope will own iis sately due to the thirre wish to discuss ihem. The fundamental tions, and its harpiness to the valour tout principle is good; which is, to train all ihe

generosity of Brian.

Such is die phone men in the kingdom to arms, and to make pect winch the present ditirou llthes this a military people. This, I believe, is would open to the view of an initiligauit, now necessary for our salvation. The lofty-ininded, generous, and enligtin! thing is good in itself, and it is good in its statesman. Can this bean Dow! Drir; consequences. I rejoice that we are likely to so long as the grovelling, sordid stupidity of become a military people ; as such, I rejoice lite minds, and low bich are prinyang, too, that we are likely to cease to be a com- por directing the energies of the state 10. mercial people, a purely commercial people, accomplish this great plan, we must have a nation dealing in ribbons and hardwares, statesmen of great abilities, of generons actuated by no principle, but that of advan minds, and high birth. The duo hil tage, and seeking no object, but that of cock cannot figlit, nor con the dray borse lucre. I assume, that we are likely to cease start for a plate. --I have been led a little to be such, because war and comaierce aie rambling into these reflections by the very incompatible with each other. A warlike last measures of ministers; this plan which people cannot be a commercial people, nor I am commendingpraise the bill, pot a commercial people a warlike one. А the time at which they have broughrittura retailer of ribbons, a measurer of muslins ward. How slow and dilatory they are ! and gauzes cannot wield a sword or bandle Jf the danger exists now, it existed many a njuskrt. The things are in their nature weeks and monihs ago. Why was it sot inconsistent, and cannot go together. A brought forward as soon as possible? Why warlike people must have a high sense of was it not proposed in the House she oh honour-a commercial people must be meek of Maich? That would have been the way and submissive. A warliie people must be to settle the pretended differences between proud-a commercial people must be base. the iwo governments mentioned in the A warlike people must ever resent every message of the sh. Then minisers might insull on their honour, and every attack have claimed a liule praise for activity ard

their dignity ma commercial people vigour. But no; the nililia must be first muistoirt see the insults, nor feel the calied out, and then the supplementary mi. blows. I rejoice at the change, because Titia, and

the Army of Reserve Bill by commerce the mind of the country was to be passed. I do not know why all is debased, and its spirit lowered; by: com- this was to be done before every male merce we are now brought in the very edge could be enrolled. Would the men bare of the precipice, one sitp farther we sub- been less fit for the militia, or the supple mit to the yo.e of France, and to llie most mentary, or the army of reserve, or sol ignomisious as well as cruel Slavery ; the line, if they chose to enlist, for being but by war, and the renewal of a marrial enrolled? Or would the young men et 14 spirii, we may yet escape, we may yet get

firat class have been less fit for itese corp the betier of ihe present dangers, and rise, for being already drilled and accustomed t in a short iiine, io a state of grandeur and the firelock? Or would ihey have been les power, yet unparaileled in the history of likely to eniisi on tut account? In all thi Britain. By a vigorous martial spirit alone I can see no good reason ; but I can giv can we now save ourselves from destruc

you a very good ore--a good ore for ih tion, save Europe from chains, and the mininters. If thi, measure had been brough world from the yoke of the most borrible forward as soon as it ought, it would hay despotism and tyranny that ever appeared teen much beiler for the country;

bx upon earih. By this spirit, our characier that with his Majesty's present mise ad retrieved, France restori d to peace, 10 good visers is an after-ilonghi, it would hay order, to the worship of God; the liberties been much worse for them, inasmuch of Europe restored, and assume:l, we may they would probably have lost their place yet see the day when this country will fiuu- They have, I believe, no objection to a


the country if they conveniently can; but King of France. You will observe, all the ad

ditional weight and force which the argumedis the preservation of their places is the first

of my iwo last letters acquire from that publicaobiet, the saving of the country the se- tion. You will observe, that by the proposal m de cond; it they can do both they are not to the King of France by Buonaparıé, bie has binStriv; but the io objects stand, as to pre- self acknowledged in the most explicit terms, the cadence, as I bure stated. With respect to

justice and force of the claims, which I wish to be

set up. You will observe too, that the back of this measure, if it had been adopted the gih

his having made this proposal, is an acknowof Marih, the country would have been Iedgment of the countenance, which such claims, in much greater securily than it is at pre- it properly set up, would meet with in France. seol; but what would have been said to

What possible inducement could he have to make the minutery? Why, then, every fool would

so foolish and ridiculous a proposal, but a hope of

being able thereby to siifle chose claims, and conhave had seose enough to say,

“ what is seqiicntly, to rid himself of all ihe danger that " this immense danger grown up immedi- could accrue to him on their assertion ? He might aiely on your prace? We were in no

have other inducements mixed with this one.-such dangt before the peace

To offer an insult to an unfortunaie Prince, must

pro" duc d id; you made the peace, therifore

always be a giatification to such a mind as that of

the First Coasul. To make a legitimate Sove"you nave brought us into this dilemma, reign, such as the King of Pru-sias disgracchina. " and most suitor for it." The minister self and his segal title by bringibe bearer of such krew that this would be said, and he knew a message irom such sender, to such a receiver, sbar would be the conse jucoce; and ac

must doubtless be a great gratification to the

mind of a jaconin, a rebel, on an usurper. Buc cording y, with all the cunning imaginable, this motives alone would not be sufficient to inpors off this most prestig werk, vill by duce the First Consulto expose himself to the more o her preparatory measures he bas so occu- tillation of a relual. He must nave had soine pied ibe mods of men with the danger,

iwine bope, that his offer miglit be accepted. A and the means of resisting it, that ibey

ridiculous expectation, no diubi, probably found

cd on his wishes. Kli! we continually see this, hardly have time to stop to think of his that shin a man desires a thing a retinolv, lie soon folly or wickedness. They are so taken up bung himselt actually to cxprct it. Thin, pro will be means of defence, the danger ap

bis!!y was the case in itis i stalice; Fustaparié

knows how good the claim of Lewis XVII is; pers so great and so near, that they never

he knows iba that claiin desusted nur ülly and enquire, who brought it on Foolishly, I

Vigorrusly, would soon overthrow his power; and think, do iry not enquire. For if it should hic wished to deprise his enemics of so powciul prchance turn out, on esamination, that and floutual a leapon against him; bwe, fortlitidse persons on whom they are now rely

nately for France and the civilised world, he has

tailed. He has failed; and has failed in such a ing for safety, and in whom ih«y are repos- manner, there he has now put it into the power of ing more confidence than was almost ever the King of trance to call upon his people by z betore reposed in any ministers, are the very new argumen., 10 uphold his righes, and as erilis individual persons by whose mismanage- claims. Allegiance, tiuclity, love, and rispetto all ment, or, if they like it, under whose ma

these urged them before to do so. Now gratitude

comes in aid of thise; for their sakes ha betenagement, this country has been reduced

fussd power, ease, and comfort; for iheir sakes is from the state in which it was in February he willing to brave all the miseries of posenty2018 1501, to that in which it is at this moment.

distress; and to-sub:nit to the soils and insulis of I ibink they would not wish to trust the

chose, whom his crucl persccutors may cempel 10 m-ans of exiricating them from their present

violate the laws of hospitaiity and charity in his

instance? Out of love for those ivili be subuitio culties, io these persons. This, then, I all this? and will tey not feelihensives bound think, they ought well to weigh, well to in gratitude to make some litio reitirn for these consider, and immediately to act in conse

sacrifices? Will they bear to sue their lawful King queoce. By cunning this wise and natural

insulted by the very man who them?

No: the people of France would rejoice ii siicd mode of proceeding bas hitherto been de- their boot in his cause; they won't rejoice to layed. I wish it quay not be put off till it overthrow ihe pre.ont tyranny, ani to see again is ico late. Suoner or later justice must amonge them, their lawful King. Bus alone and come, and those will be called upon who

1/2 sisted they cannot do this. Kepe down by an have abilities, courage, and honesiy to do

arny of 500, co men, they cannot seir. They their duty.

must have succour from without; they must have I only wish that we may not some foreign aid, some point d artui, or they can be too dilaiury.--I am, &c.

never elvance 'one sien Fogland, y every rule INQUISITOR.

of poicy, and every call of justice, ought to stop

forward for this purpose. The work is glorious, Piescript, July 25, 1893. it is easy, rad it is store; it is a decisirtos of Elisa Thanh my lereer is a'ready grown in so un. land's glory 31.d grearness, and of the peace of the Diside *size, i see cannot retraimirom noticing the world. If this step is taken the governors of publication is at has appeared in all the Morning England are responsible, they are responsible to of the day; and which has, it is said, their King and Countrybur!he @angers, which, by be:B spread abuur by Monsieur, ibe brushes of the ileii not doing so, will be entail.d on them. Bus

they are responsible not to them only, they are your Letter, dated the 16th of May, and received responsible to the whole civilised world, for the on the 14th instant, which I immediately commuimpeoding calamities pot averted; to all the nicated to Commodore Hood, he arrived at Barba. Christian

world for the cause of their religion not does on the 17th; the troops, stores, &c. were on asserted; they are responsible to the present age, board, or embarked on the 19th; sailed on the to posterity, and to God. I shall not detain 20th. On the 21st, at day-break, they were off you any longer now to reason, on the proof con- the north end of St. Lucia; in the course of the tained in the Letter of the King of France, of the day the greatest part of the troops were disemnumerous faithful adherenis that still remain to barked in Choque-Bay; about half past five the him. “ I could yet appeal,” says he,“ to my out posts of the enemy were driven in, the towa “ faithful subjects, and I know I shall never be in of Castries taken, and a summons was sent to the “ want.” Nor will I say any thing about the Commander of the troops of the French Republic. magnanimity and loftiness of sentiment; the real - In consequence of the refusal of Brigade-General kingly feeling that pervades these letters. He who Nogues to accede to any terms, and the expectation reads them cannot fail to see and notice it; and of approaching rains, it became necessary to get he who does not at once feel this, by no argument possession of the Morne with as little delay as poswill ever be made to understand or conceive it.- sible. It was therefore determined, this morning, That all may feel and perceive it, and act in con- to attack the fortress by assanlt, which was donc sequence as good and faithful subjects of a King, accordingly at four o'clock, and it was carried in and prosecute tbis noble cause to a successful is- about half an hour, and with less loss, considering bue, is the hearty wish and prayer of your sincere the resistance, than could have been expected; but friend.

1. the loss has been chicfly among the higher ranks

of officers, and those the most truly valuable;

but it is yet to be hoped most of them will recoPUBLIC PAPERS.

ver, for the real bencfit of his Majesty's service.Noriication respecting the Blockade of the WESER,

I cannot omit a circumstance which reflects so duted London, July 26, 1803.

much crcdit, as well on the British nation, as on The King has been pleased to cause it to be

the conduct of the soldiers actually employed, signified by the Right Honourable Lord Hawkes

that, notwithstanding the severe and spirited rebury, his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State

sistance of the French troops, yet, no sooner were for Foreign Affairs, to the Ministers of Neutral

the works carried by assault, and the opposition Powers residing at this Court, that the recessary

no longer existed, than every idea of animosity apmeasures having been taken by his Majesty's com

peared to cease, and not a Frerich soldier was mand for the blockade of the entrance of the Ri.

either killed or wounded. The return of the

killed and wounded is herewith inclosed, which, ver Weser, in consequence of his Majesty having recently received authentic information of the oc

excepting the number of officers of high raak, is cupation of parts of the banks of that liver by

not equal to what might have been expected, and, the French troops, the said river is declared to be

by far less than it would have been, in all probain a state of blockade; and that from this time,

bility, had a formal investment of the fortress all the measures authorised by the Law of Na

taken place. These dispatches will he delivertions, and the respective Treaties between his

ed to your Lordship by my Aid.du-Camp, Captain Majesty and the different Neutral Powers, will be

Weir, to whom I beg to refer your Lordship, for adopted and executed with respect to all vessels

any information you may require. which may attempt to violate the said blockade.

Return of the killed, wounded, and missing, of Lord Hawkesbury has been further commanded

the troops in the asiault and capture of the For. by his Majesty to signify to the Ministers of the

tress of Morpe Fortunée, in the Island of St. Lucia, Neutral Powers, that whenever the French troops

in the morning of the 22d June, 1803. will evacuate the positions which they cow oc.

Royal Military Irtificers.-i Serjeant, killed. cupy on the parts of the banks of the Weser, and

24 Battalion Royals.-I Serjeant, 8 Rank and File, will remove to such a distance from them as to

killed; , Field' offi. i Capt. 2 Serjs. 43 Rank and

F. wounded; 1 R. and F. missing.-6414 Reg.-I leave the course of that river perfectly free and secure to the vessels of his Subjects, as well as of Serj. ş R. and F. killed; 2 Field Offi. i Capt. iSub. other Nations, his Majesty will immediately di

2 Setj. 31 R. and F. wounded; 1 R. and F. misrect his ships of war, which may be stationed at

sing.–68th Ditto. Drum. missing.--3d West the mouth of the River Weser, for the purpose of

India Reg.--I Serj. 3 R. and F. killed; 2 Sub 23 blockading the same, to be withd: awo.

R. and F. wounded; s R. and F. missing. --Staff.
I Field Offi, wounded. Toral-4 Serj. 16-R. and

F. killed ; 4 Field.Offi. 2 Capt. 3 Sub. 4 Serj. 97 R. DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. and F. wounded; 1 Drum. 7 R. and F. missing

Officers wounded.---2d Bat. Royals.-Litur. Col. Downing-street, July 30, 1803.- -A Dispatch, of Macdonald, severely ; Capt. Chaloner, severely.

which the following is a copy, has been this day receive 64th Reg.--Lieut. Col. Pakenham, severely: Maj. ed from Lieut.-Gen. Grinfield, Commander in Chief of, Sir George Richardson, Cap. Galway, Lieut. Frehis Majesty's troops in the l'indward and Leervard

derick Rowan, slightly.-3d West India Reg. Charibbee Islands, by the Right Her. Lord Hobart, his Licut. Moultrice, slightly; Ensign Fagan, slightly. Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the War Staff.-Lieut, Col. Morden, Deputy Adj. Gen. Department. Dured, St. Lucia, June 22, 1803. severely.-N.B. Hospital Mate Heynes, attachMY LORD,It is with satisfaction I have the

ed to 3d Wesi India Reg. severely wounded, not honour to acquaint your Lordship, that this day included above, the fortress of Morne Fortunée was carried by as. (Sigaed) sault, and the Island of St. Lucia is in consequence

W.Tatum, Captain Assistant

Adjutant Gencral. unconditionally restored to the British Govt. I have to state to your Lordship, that in conse. Admiralty-Oifice, July 30, 1803.-Copy of a Letter from quence of His Majesty's order, signitied to me in Corrmodnre Hood, Commander in Chief of his Majesty's

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