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bill would occasion, might detain the House for several days, merely for that particular subject. One can only regret, that a bill of so much importance should have been brought into the House at so late a period, that it cannot conveniently be deliberatively considered, nor fully discussed. This bill, my lords, goes only to explain two acts of the last session of Parliament relative to the exemptions to be granted to the volunteers; but even this, in my opinion, is insufficiently done by it. The better plan would have been, to have repealed the provisions of the two former acts with regard to exemptions altogether, and to mould the whole into a new bill. For in what situation are we placed by these acts, and this bill of explanation? We impose a task of no little difficulty upon the lord lieutenants, deputy lieutenants, and on the volunteers themselves, by rendering it necessary for them to search into three acts, doubtful in the meaning, if not contradictory. If however, notwithstanding this, your lordships should resolve to pass this bill, I trust you will allow me to make one or two observations upon the particulars of the bill which I cannot now properly make in the Committee. One of the acts imposes a difficulty, which I have felt by experience. The number of days. for attendance at drill in order to exempt a volunteer from the militia and army of reserve are different; I am sure, I know not why. For exemption from the militia, five days attendance is required, and for exemption from the army of reserve twenty-four days. In one part of the act, the commanding officer is ordered, in making the return of his troops, to declare upon his honour, that he has only returned those who, by having attended five days' drill, are exempted from the militia. In another part, he is commanded to give in a return of the whole force under his command, stating those who are entitled to exemption and those who are not. It is utterly impossible that both these provisions can be complied with; I myself was forced to give in a certificate differently worded from that required by the act of Parliament, and others must have done the same, leaving it to the discretion of the lord lieutenants, whether they would accept of them or not. But there is another dilemma to which the commanding officer is reduced. He is ordered in one place to make a return, declaring upon his honour which of those included are intitled to exemptions from the army of reserve and the militia, and which are not. Only one of two choices are here left; but it often happens that many are, by the different number of days required, exempt from the militia, and are not ex

empt from the army of reserve. The commanding officer cannot properly, therefore, comply with the act in his certificate, and is compelled to give one in a different form from what the act requires. But further; these acts contradict the 42d of the King, which says, that if a volunteer be drawn for the militia, he shall be recorded as drawn, and exempted only as long as he is a volunteer. The moment he leaves the service, he is called into the militia by the former ballot, and obliged to serve as a supernumerary to fill up the first vacancy that occurs. Now, in the late defence acts, this point is materially changed; for, as it stands at present, the ballot does not hang over the heads of the volunteers, but any one who is a volunteer on the day of ballot is entitled to exemtion for eleven months and 30 days, or the whole year, except one day; so that though he leaves his corps the moment after his exemption is admitted, he escapes for the subsequent 12 months. What, therefore, I would recommend is, in some measure to new model this bill, which, I believe, may be done in the Committee, so as to apply a distinct and efficient remedy to all these inconveniences. With regard to the volunteers themselves, it is a system of defence which has my highest approbation. I do think that it is a force peculiarly well calculated for this country. I do not mean to say that it ever ought to supersede the regular army; such a system never can be expected to supply the want of a regular force. But as an aid to the regular army, I am fully persuaded that they will be of the most essential advantage; nay more, that in this capacity they will perform services which a regular army could never execute. But the system requires much amend ment, and, while I declare my approbation of it in general, I cannot but reprobate many of the regulations that prevail among a great part of the volunteer corps. Their government by Committees, in my opinion, ought not to be tolerated, nor their election of their own officers. If these things be permitted to go on, although the evils have not yet been perceived; if Committees and General Meetings be to assemble for the purpose of debating, the same dreadful conse quencers may, some time, be apprehended, that the volunteers produced in France. This, however, is not the time for entering fully imo that topic; but, at an early period of the recess, I shall think it my duty to draw the attention of the House to the subject, unless it comes from another quarter; as I think it a matter of the last importance, that many improvements should

be made in the provisions relating to the volunteer system,

Lord Hobart spoke shortly in answer to what had fallen from the noble lord. With respect to the general subject, he need scarcely obesrve, it was in the serious consideration of his majesty's government, and every practicable opportunity would be taken to ameliorate the volunteer system, and to render that part of the national force as efficacious as possible. With respect to the difficulties upon which so much stress had been laid by the noble lord, they certainly appeared to him in a very different light, and he contended that the bill before the House, as far as it applied, went to obviate them-it went to settle the important point of the exemptions. With respect to the returns, ho contradictory consideration appeared to him in the mode chalked out for those proceedings, and although the officer whose duty it was to make the returns alluded to, might possibly not be a perfect master of the provisions of the regulating acts, yet, he may easily obtain the necessary degree of information. He could by no means admit the noble lords position, that the present was such an advanced period of the session, as to render a thorough investigation of the subject impracticable. With a reference to the ensuing recess, which would cause a temporary separation of their lordships, such an observation to a certain extent, did apply, yet the session would subsequently be sufficiently long for every purpose adverted to: and he had also to observe, that the present bill, as indeed eyery measure of the kind should, contained a provision, authorizing its alteration or repeal in the course of the present session.

Lord Romney observed, that he approved highly of the volunteer system, but suggested that a force of this kind, pervading the whole country, and intended to act together, ought to be put upon the same footing. As it stood at present, some were to exercise only 20 days, others 34, and so on. This might create jealousies and ill humour, which ought to be avoided. He thought also the exemptions should be granted without reference to the time of the corps being accepted; as they were by no means accepted in the order of their applications. This might arise from letters being mislaid, or some other casualty, such as usually oc curs in a press of business. He concuried with his noble relation (Lord Grenville) in h's opinions with respect to the regulations of many corps of volunteers, and the unmilitary manner in which they were governed. He had listened to him on that point with the greatest admiration. He also disliked

their Committees and their Sub Committees, and much as he was attached to the volunteer system, he would rather choose that every man of them should be disbanded, than that they should be permitted to continue under such unmilitary regulations. If, said his lordship, these Committees are suffered to exist, I have no hesitation to say, that the Monarchy is not safe for six months.

Lord Hobart, in reply to the noble lord who spoke last, said, that the non-acceptance of the volunteers in the order of their applications, arose from the unexpected press of offers, which made government unwilling to act, except upon some general system.

Earl Darnley said, that although this bill was extremely imperfect, he rejoiced that even so much was done with regard to the volunteers. The system would still require a great deal of improvement. He approved highly the idea that had been thrown out in another place, with regard to the appointment of field officers and adjutants to the different corps, which, as they were to be exempted, ought to be rendered as efficient as possible. He alluded to a query he had put to the noble Secretary of State, relative to the intention of his Majesty's ministers with respect to volunteer regulations previous to the recess; though these, as in the instance of the bill before the House, had fallen short of what he was convinced was necessary to be done, yet he was happy to hear it authoritatively stated, that the general subject, and which was one of the last importance, was seriously in the consideration of his Majesty's government. He perfectly agreed with every word that the noble lord (Grenville) had said, with regard to the regulations, committees, and unmilitary government of many of the volunteer corps, and thought it was necessary that this should be immediately corrected.

Lord Hawkesbury observed, that the noble ear! had certainly put the query to him, which he had alluded to, but it would be in his recollection, that it referred to a general and comprehensive system of regulation, to which he had truly replied, that he knew of no intention on the part of ministers to bring forward any measures on that broad principle previous to the rece s. The present was ob viously a bill of an explanatory nature, and went to certain points, on which speedy legislative interference was necessary, and, in his mind, it went fully to obviate those difficulties it professed to remove. Much had been said, and truly, of the vast importance of the subject, and the necessity of farther regulatious, but then the House would be aware, that it was one of an extensive and complicated, as well as of an important na

ture. To a certain degree the principle was new; already had the volunteers been rendered more efficacious than those which had existed in the late war: the system in the present case must be gradually ameliorated, and in the course of time rendered still more efficacious, and less exceptionable. The original principle on which the force was created and the services of its members accepted of, should not at the same time be lost sight of. The volunteer system was also to be regarded in a certain view, which, under the consideration of the contest in which we were engaged being a protracted one, was one of considerable importance, namely, economy. At the first glance it would ap pear, that the services of the volunteers were to be acquired incalculably cheaper than those of any other description of the national force. The consideration of the volunteer system, was not only to a certain degree, a novel one, but it proceeded on distinct principles; on its own peculiar nature and merits then, was that system to be considered. On these principles it was regarded by his Majesty's government, who, he repeated, certainly contemplated the subject with the most serious attention.

The Duke of Clarence then rose and observed, that he entirely concurred in the sentiments of the noble lord, whom he had in his eye (Grenville), with regard to the volunteers. He approved the system, but was satisfied that it required a great deal of improvement. He did not intend at present to enter freely into the question; as, after what the noble lord opposite (Hawkesbury) had said, with respect to the intentions of government, any long discussion now was totally useless. And, indeed, it must be apparent, that till the imperfections that no doubt prevailed in the system of the volunteers were ready to be corrected, the less that was said about the matter the bet

ter. He would therefore take his own advice and instantly sit down.--The question was then put: the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow; after which their Lordships immediately adjourned.

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The preamble of the bill recited several acts which he should have deemed presumption in him to refer to, being altogether unac quainted with ecclesiastical law, had he not received the assistance and advice of a gentleman eminently skilled in that subject (dir W. Scott). He was happy to think, that that learned person entertained so favourable an opinion of the present measure, that he himself would have introduced it before this time, had not the difficulties alluded to presented themselves. Such, his grace entertained sanguine hopes, might be done away. With this view he had introduced the bill at the present moment. He therefore moved, that it should be printed, that their lordships might have an opportunity of giving it deliberate consideration during the recess. -The bill was accordingly ordered to be printed.-The Volunteer Explanatory Bill went through a Committee. On the report being brought up; the Lord Chancellor proposed some verbal amendments, chiefly with a view to remove the objections stated by Lord Grenville on a former night, and to declare that volunteers should not, in every case, be free from ballot for the militia or army of reserve, for twelve months after the return of the commanding officer, certifying, that they had served the stipu lated number of days: but that they should become liable to such ballots, the moment they actually ceased to serve in any volunteer corps.-The amendments were agreed to, and the bill ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF Lords.

Monday, December 19.

[MINUTES.]-Counsel were heard at considerable length in continuation, relative to the Appeal from Chancery; Keighley v. the East-India Company, viz. Mr. Adam, as second counsel for the respondents. Their Lordships postponed the final hearing till

to-morrow.

[VOLUNTEER EXEMPTION BILL.]-On the question being put for the third readingot the Volunteer Exemption Bill, a conversation of some length arose, which was opened by

Earl Fitzwilliam, who entered into the general subject in some degree of detail. la the course of his observations, his lordship made a variety of remarks upon certain provisions in the existing acts upon the subject, particularly upon the 42d and 43d of his Majesty, and also upon the act of the 334. He expatiated upon the principle on which the volunteers had originally tendered their services, and the terms upon which they were accepted, and which he seemed to contrast with the system which had subse

quently been adopted for their regulation: from the tone and direction of the noble earl's voice, we were precluded from hearing many of his observations; but he argued that the entire system required, and speedily, a considerable degree of revision: doubts had arisen, and difficulties were daily experienced which required legislative interference for their explanation and removal. Many of the provisions to which he had referred were inconsistent with the principle upon which the volunteers originally came forward, and, from his view of certain parts of the acts, he deemed it matter for consideration, how far, in certain cases, the volunteers were or were not subject to particular provisions of the martial law. These were points which required the most serious consideration. With respect to the point of exemption, the bill, he seemed to think, was neither sufficiently efficacious, nor did it extend far enough: there were several doubts and difficulties which it would not tend to remove; and he remarked upon what he conceived to be the hurried progress of the bill through the House. He therefore, in order to afford an opportunity of considering the introduction of some farther provisions to obviate the difficulties to which he had alluded, would propose that the bill be recommitted. The noble earl concluded by moving accorditgly.

Lord Hawkesbury, in answer to several - points which had fallen from the noble earl, observed, that be regretted his absence from the House for some days past, as then he would be sensible how little ground existed for the charge of precipitation against ministers in the progress of the bill through the House; and especially his absence from the Committee on the bill last Saturday, a stage in which many of the noble earl's observations would more regularly apply. The bill was introduced into that House on Thursday, read a second time on Friday, when some discussion of the measure took place, committed on Saturday, and lay over for a third reading this day. The bill before the House was merely of an explanatory nature, and very limited in its operation; it tended to do away certain practical difficulties, for which an immediate legislative interposition was obviously necessary. These principally related, as appeared by the bill, to certain points of exemption.

With re

spect to the general subject, relative to which a great deal of what had fallen from the noble earl applied, he repeated what he had said on former occasions, that it was certainly in the serious consideration of his

Majesty's government, and they were fully
aware of what could be advanced on the
grounds of revising and ameliorating the
volunteer system, but its extensive and com-
plicated nature was at the same time to be
considered; however, it was intended that
no practicable opportunity of doing that
which was on all hands deemed so desirable
and important, should be omitted on the
part of ministers. At the same time, though
he threw out these observations, he wished
to be understood as not pledging himself to
the production of any specific measure at
any particular time.-Recurring again to
some of the noble earl's detailed observations,
he admitted, to a certain degree, some doubts
and difficulties had arisen with respect to
certain provisions of the relevant acts, and
respecting which, the most regular autho-
rities, at the time, were resorted to, namely,
the law officers of the crown; on opinions
promulgated by these, the magistrates acted.
With respect to the bill, he deemed its pro-
visions fully adequate to obviate those diffi-
culties it professed to remove; and it was
such as, under all the circumstances of the
case, it was deemed necessary to propose to
the legislature: but with regard to any
contingent difficulties which might prevail
(or such as seemed to be in the mind of the
noble earl) until it should please Parliament
to adopt farther regulations, if such in its
wisdom it should deem necessary, that regu-
lar quarter which he had alluded to as arbi-
trating on former occasions, would be again
resorted to, for the direction of the magis-
trates, &c. in the discharge of their duties;
he would therefore press the third reading of
the bill.

Earl Fitzwilliam, in explanation, supported some of the provisions he had in the first instance advanced. He did not think that magistrates were entitled to act in virtue of an opinion delivered by the law othcers of the Crown. He apprehended that they could only act agreeably to act of Parliament; and that where any act was inexplicable, they were not entitled to supply its defects by the opinions of any lawyers, however respectable. If it was meant that the exemptions should extend to volunteers of every description, very few would remain. subject to the ballots for the militia and army of reserve; and he thought it of import ance that one mode should not be adopted in one parish and another in another. He adverted to the state of the ballots, &c. in the parts of the country where he was connected. These were, in consequence of the difficulties which occurred, in some instances delayed; and the lieutenancy felt themselves

considerably at a loss. He conceived it to be the duty of ministers, to lose no time in obviating those difficulties.

Lord Grantley said a few words in support of what fell from the noble Secretary of State, and adverted to the necessity which existed for the explanatory bill then under consideration.

The Lord Chancellor argued, that nothing which fell from the noble earl, militated against the passing of the bill then before the House. The greater part of what his lordship had advanced, went to points which had no connexion whatever with the bill, which was of an explanatory and a very limited nature He was free to confess his disapprobation, in certain points of view, of proceedings of this kind: he liked not explanatory act after explanatory act, and exposition after exposition. These considerations should be left, as far as possible, to the construction and explanation of those in whose province it was regularly to explain them: he alluded principally to his Majesty's law officers. With respect to the measure regularly under consideration, the noble and learned lord coincided with, and enforced what had fallen from the noble Secretary of State.

Earl Fitzwilliam, in additional explanation, observed, that his object was not to resist the progress of the bill; as far as it went, he rather approved of it; but he considered it as by no means sufficiently efficacious or extensive, and, in that view, he thought it susceptible of amendment.

The Lord Chancellor then put the question, and after a few words between him and the noble earl, respecting the point of order on that proceeding, the bill was read a third time, and passed; and a message was immediately sent to the Commons, acquainting them, that their lordships had agreed to the bill, with certain amendments. Their lordships then, after disposing of some routine business, adjourned during pleasure.-After a short interval, Mr. Sargent, accompanied by several members, returned the Volunteer Corps Regulation Bill from the Commons, who had agreed to their lordships' amendments.-This being notified to the House, an adjournment till to-morrow immediately took place.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, December 19. [MINUTES.]-Colonel Barton, from the office of the Inspector General of the army of reserve, brought up the general return of the number of men raised for the

royal army of reserve up to the present mouth of December. Ordered to be printed.-Mr. Parr, from the African Company, presented some accounts from that conpany. Ordered to lie on the table.-Mr. Dent presented a petition from the prisoners confined for debt in Lancaster Gaol, praying for relief.-Colonel Stanley and Mr. Tierney presented similar petitions from the prisoners confined for debt in Chester Gaol, and in the Fleet. Ordered to lie on the table.—A new writ was ordered for the borough of Caermarthen, in the room of J. G. Phillips, Esq. who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.A person from the Excise, brought up an account of the quantity of table beer and small beer, which had paid duty from January, 1802, to January, 1803.-The report of the Committee of Supply, respecting the sum granted for the encouragement of the linen manufactures in Ireland, was brought up and agreed to.

[IRISH IMPORT DUTIES BILL.]—Mr. Corry said, he rose for the purpose of giving a notice relative to the Ways and Means of Ireland. It was not usual to go into the Ways and Means of Ireland, previous to the Christmas recess, he therefore now only wished to give notice of his intention upon that subject, and the rather, because the military duties of many of the Irish members rendered it impossible for them at present to attend their duty in Parliament. The notice he now gave, related to the consolidation of the subsisting import duties, and some of the inland duties in Ireland. A schedule of those duties had been laid before Parliament last session, and was agreed to, but certain considerations, particularly a wish to give the fullest possible time to merchants for the investigation of the subject, induced the postponement of further proceedings upon it. A similar schedule would be laid before Parliament after the recess. He hoped the House would excuse him for being thus special in his notice, because he was anxious that it should be well understood in Ireland, particularly by the merchants. The duties referred to, were principally upon foreign articles, either imported directly into Ireland, or through Great-Britain; but in conse quence of the stipulations in the Act of Union, nor upon any articles, the produce of Great-Britain. The duties now payable on foreign articles were principally those under the 40th Geo. III. cap. 4, the 41st Geo. III. cap. 33, which had since been continued, and the 42d Geo. II. cap.,117. But the consolidation was not to be made strictly and precisely upon the duties as they now stood, because in all cases where there

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