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MANUFACTURES.-There are but few domestic manufactures. The Acadians manufacture a little cotton into quilts and cottonades; and in the remote of the province, the poorer planters spin and weave some negro cloths of cotton and wool mixed. There is one machine for spinning cotton in the parish of Iberville, and another in the Opelousas; but they do little or nothing. In the city, besides the trades which are absolutely necessary, there is a considerable manufacture of cordage, and some small ones of shot and hair powder. There are likewise in, and within a few leagues of the town, twelve distilleries for making taffia, which are said to distil annually a very considerable quantity, and one of sugar refinery, said to make about 200,000 lbs. of loaf sugar.

NAVIGATION EMPLOYED IN THE TRADE OF THE PROVINCE.-In the year 1802, there entered the Mississippi two hundred and sixty-eight vessels of all descriptions, eighteen of which were public armed vessels, and the remainder merchantmen, as follows, viz.

Ships,

American. Spanish. French.

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33,725 register tons.In the same year, there sailed from the Mississippi two hundred and sixty-five sail, viz. American. Tons. Spanish.

8972 18

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Ships 40 Brigs 58 Schooners 52

3714

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Sloops 8 Polacres

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The tonnage of the vessels which west away in ballast, and that of the public armed ships, are not included in the foregoing ac count: these latter carried away mass, yards, spars, pitch, tar, &c. at least 1,000 tops. In the first six months of the present year, there entered the Mississippi 173 sal of all nations, four of which were public armed vessels, viz. two French and two Spanish, whose tonnage is not enumerated.

5701

Ameri. Tons. Spani. Tons. Fr. Tom. Ships 23 5396 Brigs 44 Polacres Sch'rs 22 1809 Sloops 4 278

Total 93 13264

Total of Ships.

American
Spanish
French

14 3080 5 1002 20 2173 8 876 3- 460 18 1187 3 167

2 430

488

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93

58

7057

22

2804

23155'

Grand Total 173

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from whence New-Orleans is principally supplied with ship timber, charcoal, lime, pitch, and tar, and partly with cattle; and the places before named are supplied with articles of foreign growth and produce in the same way from Orleans. The vessels emplayed are sloops and schooners, some of which are but half decked, from eight to fifty tons; five hundred of which, including their repeated voyages, and thirteen gallies and gun-boats entered Bayou St. Jean last year. There is likewise a small coasting trade between the Atakapas and Opelousas, and NewOrleans, by way of which much would increase, if there was any encouragement given by government, to clear away a few obstructions, chiefly caused by fallen timber, in the smal rivers and creeks leading to them.

STATEMENT OF THE SITUATION OF HANOVER, PUBLISHED BY THE HANOVERIAN RESIDENT IN LONDON, ON THE 1ST OF JULY, 1803.

The situation of the Electorate of Hanover, when, in violation of the peace of Lunéville, it was bostilely attacked by France, under the pretext of a quarrel in which it was totally unconcerned, and the measures which were then adopted, bave been represented in so false a light, and thereby led to the formation of opinions so erroneous, that it becomes necessary to give the following account of the circumstances as they really were.

The peace establishment of the Hanove rian army is about sixteen thousand five hundred men. This number was considerably augmented by levies throughout the country, when, at the commencement of the year 1793, the greatest part joined the allied army in Brabant; and, in the year 1796, fifteen thousand men being required for the army of observation, which was to cover the line of demarcation agreed upon between his Majesty the King of Prussia and the French Republic, they remained upon that footing; but when, in the year 1801, not only this army was dissolved, but the Prussian occupation made the speedy reduction of the Hanoverian troops necessary, all the levies which had been raised during the war, were discharged agreeably to the promises which had been made to them; it was impossible, by voluntary recruiting, which is the only mode allowed by the constitution in times of peace, immediately to complete the establishment, and the difficulty increased greatly afterwards, when the Bishopricks of Hildesheim and Eichsfeld, which had, until then, furnished many recruits, became Prussian provinces-For these reasons the troops, at

the commencement of the present troubles, did not amount, altogether, to fifteen thou sand men, a considerable number of which were absent on furlough in the new Prussian provinces, and although faithful and well' disposed, were prevented from joining their regiments. Thus not more than thirteen thousand men could be depended upon, and these, afier completing the garrison and fortress of Hameln, and some small detachments which could not be dispensed with, left a force of but little more than ten thousand men to oppose the enemy.-In the beginning of April, his Majesty apprised the regency of Hanover of the danger to which, in consequence of the menaces of the First Consul, himself, the country would be exposed, in case of a war between England and France; and directed that the soldiers who were ab. sent should be made to return, and that the regiments should be kept in a state of readiness to take the field; referring, besides, for the measures which it might be necessary to pursue, to the regency and to Marshal Wallmoden, commander in chief of the army; because from the distance, and from the great uncertainty of events, it might have been disadvantageous to bind them by any orders which some unforeseen occurrence would have rendered less proper, or perhaps unapplicable.-At Hanover preparations were made for forming camps, for which, it was necessary, above every thing else, to provide magazines, which the great scarcity, and even the want of corn and forage rendered extremely difficult, and which, besides, required many arrangements among the regi ments themselves, in case it became necessary to act decisively. But to make an effectual resistance, something else was requisite, and above all, a considerable levy of men and horses, which, in addition to the supplies of provisions and carriages, &c. &c. which must all have been drawn from the people, and which might have appeared too great a charge, if, as there was every reason to fear, the immense superiority of the enemy, and the necessity of carrying on a defence within the frontiers had rendered all their efforts useless. In a situation so hazardous, and under a responsibility so high, it was natural that the regency of Hanover, as well as the marshal should desire orders more precise upon the great question; whether, or not, military resistance should be made? They were the more determined to request these orders, because they considered it almost impossible that the electorate was so completely abandoned by its neighbours, and flattered themselves that circumstances unknown to them, might afford them some assistance; but the * Ooo 2

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could be accomplished, if nothing remained but to save the effects, and to "make an honourable retreat for the army, they should proportion the means to these ends, and should not exact sacrifices from "the country, which, without the possibility "of being useful to it, would only expose it

burgh, at the moment when every thing was begun in Hanover, but when nothing had been done, where all the regiments were on their march, but scarcely two had reached their place of destination. Then it was that deputies were sent to General Mortier, to declare the perfect neutrality of the electorate, which, according to the treaty of Luneville, was in profound peace with France, and which being connected neither by laws nor by treaties, with Great-Britain, hed ever, and recently by the republic herself, been acknowledged as a state totally distinct,

On the 1st of June, Marshal Count Wali moden, who had until then, directed every thing with unwearied assiduity, finding himself, as well because his presence was judged indispensable at Hanover, as on account of his health, not in a condition to join the troops himself, gave the command of those which were assembling at Nienburg to his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, who, influenced only by his zeal, undertook it, nothwithstanding almost the utter impossibility of success. He immediately repaired to the place where the bridge over the Weer obliged them to take the first position; here he arrived the same night, and found six battalions of infantry, six squadrons of cavalry, and some artillery, amounting in the whole to scarcely three thousand men. The rest of the troops were either still on their march, or at some distance, to cover the other passages on the Weser, and to ensure a retreat upon the Elbe, which might have been cut off, particularly by a corps of the enemy stationed at Wildeshausen, and which, it was supposed, intended to proceed to Bremen, and the recruits which arrived, one after another, having never borne arms, and being neither clothed nor disciplined, were fit for nothing but to be placed in the rear of the army, that they might not impede its operations in a decisive moment.—Meanwhile Gen. Mortier had sent back the deputies with conditions so hard that they did not consider themselves authorised to accept them, adding, that he would not stop his march, and that if the least resistance were made, or the Weser were once passed, he should not consider himself bound by those offers. In fact, the advanced part of the French army, appeared in the afternoon of the 12th, at about the distance of one mile from Nienburg, and refusing to halt, attacked the Hanoverian advanced posts, but were repu'sed. The French lost, according to their own account, thirty men, and then halted. The Hanoverians had one killed, and five wounded, which were carried off,

to greater misery."-This reply, dated on the 13th of May, had not arrived at Hanover, when it was known that Lord Whitworth was on the point of leaving Paris, and that a considerable body of French troops was assembling near Nimegue, with the avowed design of invading the electorate. It was then clear that there was no time for waiting for orders, and that immediate measures were necessary. It was determined, with the consent of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, (who, though he possessed Do other authority than that which he derived from his rank of Lieutenant-General, complied with the intreaties which were made to him, and assisted in the deliberations of the regency at such an emergency) to apply to his Majesty the King of Prussia, and solicit his assistance, and in case of extremity, even to pray that he would send a body of his own troops into the electorate, to protect it from a French invasion The King of Prussia did not think himself warranted in doing this, but promised to make new representations at Paris, to prevent the invasion of Hanover. Meanwhile, the favorable dispositions which had appeared among the inhabitants of the country, and which had even been declared by the states, had determined the government of Hanover to have recourse to the greatest efforts for the defence of the country. On the 16th of May, an order was issued for inlisting all persons capable of bearing arms, and then to take from the whole number, a sufficient number of recruits to re-inforce the troops of the line, which, it was hoped, would amount to thirty thousand men. On the 21st an order followed for selecting and sending off the recruits to their different regimeats.In the greatest part of the country they came forward with the utmost willingness, but it was all too late; for before the 17th of May, Gen. Mortier had passed the Waal near Nimegue, and pursued his route with the greatest expedition, so that on the 30th he entered the principality of Osna-At the moment when the report of this affair

dience; under no aspect of affairs can they

reached Nienburg, his Royal Highness received a dispatch from the regency of Ha-judge of its intentions; you will shew to

nover, in which they begged of him to return immediately. He instantly set out, and about half-way met the deputies, who were returning to the French head quarters, to conclude a convention, undoubtedly upon terms rather more moderate than those which had been offered, but by which the troops were bound not to serve against France or her allies during the present war, unless they were exchanged. Imperious necessity dictated this resolution; but the Duke could neither take part generally, in such a convention, nor submit to this engagement, and he had previously declared it. The moment was arrived in which he had promised, with the consent of the King, not to abandon the army and the country which adored him, and for which he had shewn so generous an attachment. This was the moment in which he could be of no use to them. There then remained no othe part for him to take than to give in his resignation, and immediately to depart, which he did on the 3d of June, the same day on which the convention was signed at the French head-quarters. It is upon these details, which are scrupulously exact, that the impartial reader may rest his judgment; and it may be boldly affirmed that all which is contrary to them, is, also, contrary to the truth.

London, July 1st, 1803.

MANIFESTO OF THEIRISH REBELS. THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. You are now called on to shew to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations, that you have a right to claim their recognizance of you, as an independent country, by the only sasisfactory proof you can furnish of your capability of maintaining your independence, your wresting it from England with your own hands.In the devolopement of this system, which has been organized within the last eight months, at the close of internal defeat, and without the hope of foreign assistance; which has been conducted with a tranquillity, mistaken for obedience; which neither the failure of a similar attempt in England has retarded, nor the renewal of hostilities has accelerated; in the developement of this system you will shew to the people of England, that there is a spirit of perseverance in this country beyond their power to calculate or to repress; you will shew to them, that as long as they think to hold unjust dominion over Ireland, under no change of circumstances can they count on its obe

-

them, that the question which it now behoves them to take into serious and instant consideration, is not whether they will resist a separation, which it is our fixed determination to effect, but whether or not they will drive us beyond separation; whether they will by a sanguinary resistance create a deadly national antipathy between the two countries, or whether they will take the only means still left of driving such a sentiment. from our minds, a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence in our just and unalterable determination. If the secrecy with which the present effort has been conducted, shall have led our enemies to suppose that its extent must have been partial, a few days will undeceive them. That confidence which was once lost, by trusting to external support, and suffering our own means to be gradually undetermined, has been again restored. We have been mutually pledged to each other to look only to our own strength, and that the first introduction of a system of terror, the first attempt to execute an individual in one county, should be the signal of insurrection in all. We have now, without the loss of a man, with our means of communication untouched, brought our plans to the moment when they are ripe for execution, and in the promptitude with which nineteen counties will come forward at once to execute them, it will be found that neither confidence nor communication are wanting to the people of Ireland.-In calling on our countrymen to come forward we feel ourselves bound, at the same time, to justify our claim to their confidence, by a precise declaration of our own views. We therefore solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent repub lic in Ireland: that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives: that we will never, unless at the express call of our country, abandon our post, until the acknowledgment of its independence is obtained from England; and that we will enter into no negotiation (but for exchange of prisoners) with the government of that country while a British army remains in Ireland. Such is the declaration which we call on the people of Ireland to support. And we call first on that part of Ireland which was once paralized by the want of intelligence, to shew that to that cause only was its inaction to be attributed; on that part of Ireland which was once foremost, by its fortitude in suffering; on that part of Ireland which once offered to take the salvation of the country on itself; on that part of Ire

land where the flame of liberty first glowed; we call upon the North to stand up and shake off their slumber and their oppression. -Men of Leinster-Stand to your arms. To the courage which you have already displayed, is your country indebted for the confidence which it now feels in its own strength, and for the dismay with which our enemies will be overwhelmed when they shall find this effort to be universal. But, men of Leinster, you owe more to your country than the having animated it by your past example; you owe more to your own courage than the having obtained by it a protection. If six years ago, when you rose without arms, without plan, without cooperation, with more troops against you alone than are now in the country at large, you were able to remain for six weeks in open defiance of the government, and within a few miles of the capital, what will you not now effect with that capital, and every other part of Ireland, ready to support you? But it is not on this head that we have need to address you. No! we now speak to you, and through you to the rest of Ireland, on a subject dear to us, even as the success of our country; its honour. You are accused by your enemies of having violated that honour': excesses which they themselves had, in their fullest extent, provoked, but which they have grossly exaggerated, have been attributed to you. The opportunity of vindicating yourselves by actions is now, for the first time, before you; and we call upon you to give the lie to such assertions, by carefully avoiding every appearance of plunder, intoxication, or revenge, recollecting that you lost Ireland before, not from want of courage, but from not having that courage rightly directed by discipline. But we trust that your past sufferings have taught you experience, and that you will respect the declaration which we now make, and which we are determined by every means in our power to enforce.-The nation alone possesses the right of punishing individuals, and whosoever shall put another person to death, except in battle, without a fair trial by his country, is guilty of murder. The intention of the provisional government of Ireland is to claim from the English government such Irishmen as have been sold or transported by it for their attachment to freedom; and, for this purpose, it will retain as hostages for their safe return, such adherents of that government as shall fall into its hands. It therefore calls upon the people to respect those hostages, and to recollect, that in spilling their blood they would leave their own countrymen in the

hands of their enemies -The intention of the provisional government is to resign its functions, as soon as the nation shall have chosen its delegates; but in the mean-time it is determined to enforce the regulations hereunto subjoined; it in consequence takes the property of the country under its protec tion, and will punish, with the utmost rigour, any person who shall violate that property, and thereby injure the present resources and the future prosperity of Ireland. - Whoever refuses to march to whatever part of the country he is ordered, is guilty of disobedience to the government, which alone is competent to decide in what place his services are necessary, and which desires him to recollect, that in whatever part of Ire land he is fighting, he is still fighting for its freedom. Whoever presumes, by acts or otherwise, to give countenance to the ca lumny propagated by our enemies, that this is a religious contest, is guilty of the grievous crime of belying the motives of his country. Religious disqualification is but one of the many grievances of which Ireland has to complain. Our intention is to remove not that only, but every other op pression under which we labour. We fight, that all of us may have our country, and that done, each of us shall have his religion. -We are aware of the apprehensions which you have expressed, that in quitting your own counties you leave your wives and chil dren in the hands of your enemies; but on this head have no uneasiness. If there are still men base enough to persecute tho e who are unable to resist, shew them by our victories that we have the power to punish, and by your obedience, that we have the power to protect; and we pledge our selves to you that these men shall be made to feel, that the safety of every thing they hold dear depends on the conduct they observe to you. Go forth then with confidence, conquer the foreign enemies of your coun try, and leave to us the care of preserving its internal tranquillity; recollect that not only the victory, but also the honour of your country is placed in your hands; give up your private resentments, and shew to the world that the Irish are not only a brave, but also a generous and forgiving people.Men of Munster and Connaught. - You have your instructions, we trust that you will execute them. The example of the rest of your countrymen is now before you, your own strength is unbroken; five months ago you were eager to act without any other assistance: we now call upon you to shew what you then declared you only wanted, the opportunity of proving that you possess the

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