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"with a high idea of maintaining their honour “and dignity, you are to assure them that since "the accurs.d peace of Amiens, they have nei"ther honour nor dignity lett to contend for; that they have touched the base string of humility; that they have received kicks innumerable on the seat of honour; that they have irretrievably disgraced their ancestors, and must inevitably be *the worn of their posterity. This is the argu❝ment to raise a noble spirit in de ence of charicter and honour."-Here again as before, the question must be begged, viz. that the treaty has had the consequences here mentioned. Mr. W. thinks it has, and therefore, can only act and speak consistently with that opinion. Having therefore, that opinion, I really think, that to represent it in the stronge t possible light is the very best and most likely way "to inspire them with a high idea," not "of maintaining," but of recuse ing" their honour and dignity." W.thinks it is best; it is therefore, not to be maintained. but to be recovered; but, Mr. S. says, ja order to make them recover it, you must by no means tell them that it is lost. Why, pray? forsooth, for fear they should be dispirited, and instead of exerting themselves to recover it, should sit down contented under the loss. Mr. W. on the ether hand, in a forcible manner, says to the propie of Er gland. "By no fault of yours, but "by the measures of weak and wicked ministers, in whom you have placed a mistaken confidence, your honour has been betrayed, and your digaity sacrificed; you have had repeated in"sults and injuries offered to you, which have

14

Mr.

lowered you in the eyes of the present age, and "was disgrace you in the option of posterity, "unless, now at length, you betake your elves to "such measures as will show, that you have lost nhing of your ancient spirit, courage, and vaiour, and that you are still worthy of the high "same you formerly bore." Which, I ask, which of the above sentiments is honourable, and which is insulting to the country? But Mr. Sheridan proceeds, thirdly," to encourage the martial hopes "of the nation, knowing that you have but a very "limited force of the line, and that it is abso

lutely impossible to increase it by any force "that has experienced actual service: you are to "endeavour to make it a matter of demonstration "that all efforts of militia, yeomanry, and volun

teer corps, will be pertectly inefficient and con"temptible, when opposed to the experienced

64

and disciplined armies which alone France will bring in o this country. This is to inspire a "martial confidence in three-fourths of all the "force we have to resist the enemy." And thin ges on to his fourth attack as follows; fourthly, "in order to create a patriotic devotion in all ranks of people to offer their purses and persons "to the disposal of the government, you are to "assure them that every deposit either of wealth "or force, placed in such hands, is not only a perfect waste of the resources of the country, "bot a mischievous deposit placed in hands ut"ficial purpose" tery incapable of applying them to any beneThese two last I shall consider together, because, I conceive the same general ar guments apply to each. In the first place, I will observe on them, that if I judge right, (and prove the line of conduct Mr. W. has always pursued in public life, I apprebend he agrees with me in that point), the business of a men?ber of parliament is purely and solely to consult for the good of the aic. He ought to have no other view, Mr. She

ridan, will doubtless agree with me, that he would be betraying his trust, if he any ways sought by his conduct in Parliament to curry favour with a minister or at court; and I confess, that for my own part, I can see no difference in his behaviour, if the object be favour with the multitude and popolar applause. The Parliament I have always looked upon as the great council of the nation. The good of the nation, the end to be pursued by the members, the counsellors. I have always been taught too, to believe, that a counsellor only did his duty properly, when he gave the advice in his mind best calculated to promote the object for which his advice was asked, without at all attending to any ulterior considerations; such as whcther it was most palatable, most agreeable, most flattering to the feelings of those who asked the advice or not. According to this doctrine, I really think, that a member of parliament would but betray his trust, if he really thinking that the militia, yeomanry, and volunteer corps, were not fit troops to be opposed to the experienced, disciplined armies of France, he should omit to urge that opinion in Parliament. The question is not whether or not they are fit; the question is, whether Mr. W. thinking them unfit, ought or ought not to say so. Mr. S. says no, lest he should damp the martial hopes of the country. The orders of the House say, what is spoken in debate in the House, shall not be made public; how then can he urge in the House, that what is so spoken will damp the hopes of the country? Are the orders of the House disobeyed? Then should Mr. S. insist on these orders being punctually executed. The effect imputed to Mr. W's speeches may be a very good argument to make him do that, but can be no argument at all, why Mr. W. should betray his trust, and not speak his mind. The real fact is, that the House have now gotten into an awkward predicament from having suffered their debates to be made public. Every body feels how awkwardly situated the Privy Council, for instance, would be, if their consultations were hawked about in the streets, or the public papus, and opinions therein given, commented upon, replied to, argued, refuted, contradicted, &c. In every Gazette in Europe. 1he some reasoning applies, though, perhaps, with somewhat less force to the consultations of Parliament. The House of Parliament are composed, the one of the hereditary, the other of the elected counsellors of the King; and are accountable for their counsel to none but to God and their country. These houses have unwarily suffered a tribunal to erect itself over them; which, though it begins to be troublesome, has as yet no authority; and to whose proceedings, as they are able to do it, I think they would be wise if they put an immediate stop. Mr. S. does not feel in this case, that it is at all proper for such arguments as Mr. W's, to be urged at all; but he will not deny, that other people may think them such; and if so, at least he will grant me, that those who think so, should be allowed to urge them without being reproached on the one hand, and without damping the hopes of the country on the other.i think, I have now pretty well shown the absurdity of these attacks of Mr. Sheridan's. With respect to the opinions given, they were not at all in dispute, the question is merely, whether these opinions ex isting in the breast of Mr. Windham, he is or is not justified in urging them. Some of the opinions themselves, I may, perhaps, take some future op. portunity of examining, and I doubt not, that I

shall be able to show, that any attacks made on them are as little justifiable, as the attack now made on Mr. W. for merely stating them.

I am yours, &c.

EPIGRAM.

ANNIBAL.

In Richmond's shades the Premier sat,
Discoursing o'er his wine;

"What name, dear Hiley, shall we give "To this sweet place of mine?" A wicked wag the question heard

Behind a neighb'ring tree; "Call it, dear Doctor"! straight he cried, "The VILLA MEDICI."

Anti-medicus.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. Letter from Lieut. Gen, Mortier, Commander in Chief of the French Army in Hanover, to the Minister of iVar.

Head-quarters, Hanover, July 21, 1803. Citizen Minister-I cannot but commend the order and good faith which have distinguished the Hanoverian army. Fourteen thousand musquets of different calibres, with all the necessary accoutrements, 80 pieces of cannon, and 3868 cavalry horses are at this moment in our possess on.add to this, a copy of the stipulations with the Hanoverian army. It is engaged not to serve against France or her allies, until exchanged against an equal number of French prisoners made by England. Three hundred of the finest horses have been selected for the cavalry of the guard. The Hanoverian horses are handsome, and of a good breed, but they suffered in some degree at Lauenburgh, through the want of forage. All the French artillery taken in the war of 1756 and the following years, is now on its way to France. Eighty flat bottomed boats are about to he constructed on the Elbe and the Weser.- A Russian fotilla is arrived at Rostock, a port belonging to Mechlenberg. It consists of a vessel of 74 guns, three frigates and eleven sloops or gallies. The Russian flect is generally seen with pleasure in a state of action, as it may prevent the scene before Copen. hagen being renewed; for it is impossible that a measure so arbitrary and so contrary to very principle as that which England has adopted in blockading the Elbe and the Weser, not only against French vessels, but against those of all nations, should not rouse the indignation of all in Europe, who are alive to the honour and sovereignty of nations.Health and respect,

ED. MORTIER.

"ly to exercise his ancient and undoubted pier

gative in requiring the Military Services of his "liege subjects in case of invasion of the Realm," and to direct your Lordship to take immediate measures for carrying the provisions of it into effect in the county of Sussex-In adverting to the 29th clause of the Act, your Lordship will ob. serve, that, in order to prevent the delay, which must necessarily arise, if the training and exercise in the respective counties should be protracted until the several returns of the different classes required by the Act have been completed, provision has been made by Parliament that a certain proportion may be trained in the first instance, and I have it in command from his Majesty to direct that the proportion should not be less than six times the amount of the Militia ordered to be raised under the forty second of the King, exclusive of the Supplementary quota.--The Officer in the command of the District will be directed to furnish your Lordship with a plan of instructions for Drill and Exercise, which will be recommended for general adoption.With a view to the further progress of this important measure, it is the decided opinion of his Majesty's confidential Ser vants, that, in all places where Volunteer Corps can be formed, upon such conditions as his Majesty shall approve, it would be desirable that every encouragement should be given for that purpose; such an arrangement being calculated to concentrate the force, to promote the convenience of the public, and to render it unnecessary to have recourse to the compulsory clauses of the Act. It can scarcely be necessary for me to point out to your Lordship the difficulty of issuing Arms from his Majesty's stores for the extensive training and exercise required under this Act, without material injury to the other essential branches of his Military Service; I must therefore, earnestly recommend to your Lordship to resort to the zeal and public spirit of the inhabitants of the county under your charge, for the purpose of procuring a return of the arms in their possession, in order that, with their consent, they may for a time be applied to the service of the country, and that your Lordship would take measures for distributing them in the manner that may appear to you most conducive to the object in view; twenty-five firelocks being considered sufficient for the purpose of drilling one hundred men. This information will materially assist Government in forming the necessary arrangements with a view to such a further supply of arms as circumstances may require.- -Your Lordship will be sensible that the effect of this Act must in a great degree depend upon the activity and exertion which are applied in carrying the provisions of it into execution; and I am persuaded that in a conjuncture like the present your Lordship will experience the most zealous co-operation and assistance from the gentlemen of the county of Sussex, as well as from individuals of every description — The object of the Act is to obtain such a force, in addition to that which has already been provided, as may enable his Majesty to avert or frustrate the attack with which this country is threatened, and by combining economy with vigour, to continue the contest so long as it may be necessary for the honour and security of the British Empire.-Your Lordship will understand that this communication is made under the impression of the inexpediency of establishing a Voluntary Force, to the extent now proposed, upon the allowances specified in the printed regulations transmitted in the

fectual bar to the enrollment of journeymen | and labourers, whose exclusion is, indeed, one of the principal objects with those who have formed themselves into Volunteer Corps, but on whose arms, I am fully con. vinced, this country must finally rely for its defence. The bones and sinews of the country being thus, in a great degree, ex cluded, the same cause next extends itself to the youth and the bealth of the country. The classification of the General Defence Bill, defective as it was, would have brought forward, in the first requisition, no man above thirty years of age; but, the Volunteer Corps system admits men of all ages from seventeen to fifty-five inclusive. In a former paper, written upon this subject, I sta ed any objections founded on the dsparity of temper, habits, and prospects of men, some of whom would be thirty and others only seventeen years of age, some married and others single, some having houses and trading establishments, and others having none. That this objection was by no means futile has, I believe, been allowed by every Member of Parliament; and, with how much greater force does it apply to a body of men including all ages up to fifty-five-The classification of the bill did, too, exclude persons having more than one child; but, the system now adopted makes no such exclusion: the more a man is loaded with cares, the more his heart lans towards home, the stronger and more numerous are the ligatures which bind him to a love of life, the more fit this system supposes him for chearfully marching on a distant and dangerous service! But, are the persons composing the Volunteer Corps prepared so to marchi and so to adventure? Is it with any such intention that they have enrolled, or offered to enroll, themselves? Who that has observed the time of this enrollment, and that considers the propensities of the persons enrolled, will venture to answer these questions in the affirmative? The war has been declated nearly three months: the prospect of invasion was coeval with that declaration; yet not one of the 280,000 men, who are now said to have rashed forward for the defence of their country, ever dream of making such a movement, till a lacu was passed for enforcing a general enrollment, and an immediate training of all men, with very few exceptions, under thirty years of age. Then, and not till then, did we perceive that patriotic spirit, with the praises of which Mr. SHERIDAN chooses to weedle the shop-keeping throng. Far be it from me to say, or to think, that none of the persons, who have

enrolled themselves in Volunteer Corps, have so done from patriotic and gallaut motives; far be it from me to affix such a stigma on my country as to suppose that 280,000 of her sons have assumed the name of Volunteers merely as a screen from the dangers of actual service; but, when I reflect on the propensities of the persons enrolled, and on the time of enrollment, I must bid adieu to my senses before I can believe, that any very considerable portion of them have taken the military habit with an intention of leaving their homes, and of venturing their lives in the field of battle. The motives of this species of volunteering are, 1. to keep out of low company. The merchant wishes to avoid the shopper, the shop-keeper to avoid the mechanic, and all of them to avoid the laboures and the servant; and, as the higher, or rather, the richer classes, can, by the means of regulations of expense, exclude those, with whom they dislike to associate, a subaltern aristocracy arises, an aristocracy of wealth, a loathsome ulcer that seldom makes its appearance till the body politic be already sinking under a complication of diseases.2. To prevent journeymen, apprentices, labourers, and servants from being forced out to the drill. That the masters and their sons should step forward as volunteers, with no other view than that of saving their underlings from bearing the vexation and fatigue of drilling, would, indeed, be rather wonderful, if, by so doing, they did not keep the said underlings at work. The fact is, that, if a master, who does little more than look about him during the day, can, by going to drill himself, keep his apprentice, or his servant of any description, at home, his own time is very well employed. If he be a man, who works himself, drill is a relaxation when compared to labour of any sort, and, as the relaxation must be enjoyed either by his apprentice, his journeyman, his servant, or himself, it is by no means difficult to divine the party to whom his sense of justice will direct him to allot it.-3. Another motive for volunteering, is, not an eager desire to fight the French, but a desire of quite a contrary nature; and, the ministers may be well assured, that, for the great number of volunteers, who have already offered, they are considerably indebted to the notion, that volunteer-corps will never be. marched out of their own districts, or, at querst, never be put under martial law. Whether this latter be a false notion or not. I cannot pretend to say; for the law has been so often altered and amended, that, at

last, nobody knows the meaning of it; but