VOL. IV. No. 7.]

[ Price 10D

IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEB. 16, 1801.

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LETTER I.

TOR B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. M. P. Str,-All those who have read, or heard of, the debate, which took place in the House of Commons on the 5th instant, will, I imagine, consider it to be, on my part, not only a right, but a duty, to make some remarks on it; and, as you took the lead in cavilling against certain parts of my work, the reader will, I am persuaded, think it perfectly natural, that I should, on this occasion, address myself to you. Entertaining a profound respect for the Houses of Parliament, I must, before I proceed farther, beg leave to state, that it is not on the speeches of members of the House of Commons that I consider myself as commenting, but on publications, which have appeared in the newspapers, purporting to be such speeches, and which publications have been made without being contradicted by any of the persons, to whom the speeches are attributed, and with whom, therefore, I have an undoubted right to remonstrate.

The debate took place on the 4th instant. It arose in a committee of the whole House, on the National Defence Bill; or rather, on a bill to amend the National Defence Bill, and which amendment tended to destroy all the better part of the original bill, inasmuch as it transferred the defence of the country from Voluntary Service to mere lolunteer Corps, a measure of the folly of which I shall hereafter find an opportunity to speak more at large. Mr. Windham expressed his disapprobation of the amendrent, and, in the course of his observations, he made the following one, relative to the public prints: "I allow," said he " that, amongst a great deal of execrable stuff,

one does, now and then, find a good re"mark in the public prints, and these prints

do, at this moment, show a becoming activity in the public cause, though, for a long time, they remained buried in the

-MR. SHERIDAN'S SPEECH

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same supineness as his Majesty's minis"ters."-I shall now insert the debate, as far as it relates to my subject.

MR. SHERIDAN." I cannot suspend "the expression of the indignation I feel at "the manner in which he (Mr. Windham) "has expressed his contempt of the use of "the press of Great Britain, as far as re"lates to our diurnal Journalists. He has "condescended to admit, that amidst a 66 mass of execrable trash in the newspapers, there is now and then something "worth attending to. Sir, I cannot hear "with patience this libel on what I con"sider to be the boldest, and at the present "moment, the most forward bulwark of

our liberty and constitution. Among the "provocations which our atrocious enemy "has given us to renew the present war, I "have considered his audacious attempt to "bully our ministers into a surrender of the "freedom of the British press to be the

greatest (Loud cry of bear! bear!) And "I do not hesitate to say, that at the pre"sent crisis of impending peril to the safety "of the throne, the safety of the constitu "tion, the freedom of the people, and the "protection of property, no country on "earth through all its ranks and all its in"terests ever owed an equal degree of gra❝titude and obligation to any quarter or "to any protecting exertion as this coun"try now owes to the spirited and princi"pled exertions of the general press of "Great Britain. The right hon. gen"tleman, however, I am sure, does not

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rusted powers is excellent and loyal coun"cil. I speak, Sir, fairly of that paper. "I have no reason personally to approve "it; but I will contrast my candour with "the right hon. gentleman's, when I say "that though I disapprove of many things. "contained in it, yet is there much matter "worthy to be attended to in it; I some"times find in it observations of an admi "rable quality.-(Mr. Windham bere bowed)The right hon. gentleman answers "me with a condescending bow. I really "did not know before, that in speaking

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sincerely what I felt, I was gratifying "the feelings of any writer in that paper. "I therefore forbear any comment further "in deference to the blushing modesty of a present author."

MR, WINDHAM." The hon. gentleman "(Mr. Sheridan) seems to be actuated with "ail the zeal of a new Convert, or rather "he conducts himself with all the precipi"tancy of a raw recruit, for he has no "sooner fallen into the ranks (Mr. Sheri"dan sat on the Treasury l'ench) than he "fires off his musket, without waiting for "the word of command. Since, however, "the hon gent. has begun, he must not "be surprised to find his fire returned, nor "must the corps, in which he has enlisted,

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expect to escape the consequences of an "attack thus indiscreetly invited. If it "were even true that I had changed my "opinion upon this subject (which is not "the case) it certainly would be excusable

upon a measure of so much importance, "embracing such a variety of detail, and "passed with so much precipitation It is "not only possible, but very natural, that "gentlemen may have changed their opi66 on upon the subject. But this will af "ford no excuse to ministers for bringing "the bill forward at so late a period, or for "making that the last step which ought to "have been the first. They should have "recollected that this measure would take

up a great deal of time. It is like the 66 seven ages of man; there is the notice, "the motion for the bill, the first, second, "and third reading of the bill, and after "that comes the whole detail of its execu❝tion, which has thrown the country into "as great a bustle as if it was, every "where, a racing or an assize week. "There are county meetings, meetings of "lieutenants, magistrates, churchwardens, "overseers, and a long train of et ceteras. "There the ything man and the constable

ing to the Secretary at War to elucidate "it, and the Secretary at War coming to "the House of Commons to amend it. But "in all this bustle and confusion, how long "will it be before we have soldiers ready "to seek honour in the cannon's mouth ? "Whatever effect these measures may have "hereafter, they will do nothing at present. "If Buonaparté were to land (and we "know not how soon he may land) would "it be of any use to say to him: 'We have "county meetings, and ballotings, and "drillings, and if you will have the good

ness to wait a short time, we shall be "quite prepared for you?-The hon. gen"tleman has spoken highly of the exer"tions of the daily papers: they certainly "have contained some good sentiments lat"terly I only wish that some of them "had begun a little sooner, and then they "would not have now to repair the mis"chief which they had been doing for so

many years, and which I am afraid can"not be repaired by a few paper bullets. "It is not, however, astonishing that the "papers to which I allude should become "the objects of the hon. gentleman's pane"gyric, for they have exactly followed his

example. After years of war, in which he and they professed and disseminated principles and opinions the most mis"chievous to the country, they now wheel "suddenly about, and claim great merit for "desisting from their former conduct, and "for endeavouring to preserve themselves "from the fury of the storm, which they so

largely contributed to raise. At the end "of ten years, during which the hon. gen"tleman has been diligently labouring with "those who have set fire to the four cor"ners of the world, he now comes with "his little bucket, with his thimble-full of "water, to extinguish the mighty confia

gration. Having sedulously assisted in producing that complication of ills, which "has brought us to the verge of the grave, "he now exclaims, with DR. SYRINGE in "the play, who shall dare to talk of dying "whilst I am in the bouse!-As to the

weekly publication, to which the hon. "gentleman has alluded to, I entertain all "the sentiments of respect, which he sup

pose me to entertain, both for the work "and for its author, of whom I had a high " opinion long before I personally knew "him. I admired the conduct which he "pursued, through a most trying crisis in "America, where he uniformly supported

"bill, the school-master going to the ma"gistrate to explicit, the magistrate writ

"piness of mankind depend; where he "uniformly opposed all those principles

(including such as were formerly professed by the hon. gentleman) which tend to sap the foundations of civil society, and to spread misery and wickedness through the world; and where, by "his own unaided exertions, he rendered his country services that entitle him to a "statue of gold."

"

MR SHERIDAN" The right hongenณ teman has pronounced a lofty panegyric "on the Weekly Register: he has declared, that he agrees in every sentiment contained in it, and that a statue of gold ought to be erected to the writer. Statues, now-a-days, are not voted by the Legislature, but upon private subscriptions. I hope the right hon. gentleman "wi immediately commence one upon "the Stock Exchange of the City of London. The writer, with whose every sen"ument he agrees, having only maintained "that the co-existence of the funds and the monarchy is no longer possible. I am therefore entitled to assume, that the right hon. member agrees with Mr. COBBETT that the violation of all public faith, and the destruction of all public property, is an immediate and indispensible measure for the protection of the monarchy and constitution of the country. I hear a groan from an hon. and "learned friend of the right hon. gentleman. I rejoice to hear so forcible and surly an expression of his anger and disapprobation of the idea I have referred

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to.

" right hon. gentleman is ready to approve "and defend, and if it is one of those that "entitle the writer to a statue of gold?" To these interrogatories Mr. Windham' refused, of course, to give any answer

Now, Sir, I shall, 1. Refute the charges, brought by you and Mr. Archdall, against certain parts of my writings in the Political Register: 2. I shall make an humble attempt to describe the source, the operations, and effect of that "true English feeling," that "sacrifice of party spirit to public' good," of which you have lately made so ostentatious a display: 3. Your "constancy and consistency" shall receive, as is their due, my particular attention: 4. I shall make a full exposure of your connexion with the newspaper press, shall show the reciprocal dependence which subsists between you and the persons concerned in the conducting of that press, and shall point out the mischiefs which have arisen, and which will yet arise, from this reciprocity.

Dr. LAURENCE said, across the “House, bis meaning was mistaken]. Then, said Mr. Sheridan, I am to understand "that the learned doctor approves the unqualified panegyric bestowed upon Mr. COBBETT'S suggestions, and that he equally wishes to see a statue of gold erected to him; nay, I must presume his wish to be not merely a statue, but a "colossal statue."

MR. ARCHDALL." I will ask the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Windham), whether he recollects, in Mr. Cob"bett's publication, of which he professes "himself such an admirer, a number, in

which the state of Ireland was repre

sented in a manner which was calculated to make the very worst impression? It "stated that there were no 18,000 men in Ireland, of which 10,000

" were

more than

1. The charges brought, by you and Mr. Archdall, against me, as a public writer, were, First, that I published a statement, calculated to produce the very worst im pressions with respect to Ireland. Secondly, that I endeavoured to excite a mutiny in the Navy: Thirdly, that I was labouring to produce a national bankruptcy, and a violation of all public faith: Fourthly, that I held up to derision and contempt the Government, together with all the subaltern entrusted powers thereof.

doing duty in garrisons, and that "France might send over, in four ships, from Brest, as many men as would be sufficient to run from one end of the "island to the other. I will ask, whether "that is one of the sentiments which the

The first of these charges, which was brought by that same Mr. Archdall, who, only about a month ago, drew a most enchanting picture of the tranquillity, the harmony, and the security, of Ireland, appears to have been founded on two passages of the Register, Vol. III. p. 539. The subject, upon which I was writing, was, the neglect and tardiness of the Admiralty, the fatal consequences of which I endeavoured to illustrate by putting a case with respect to Ireland, first stating, that it was childish in the extreme to suppose, that Buonaparté was not much better informed of our state of preparation than I could possibly be. "What," said I, "in our present disman"tled state, is to prevent an invasion of "Ireland? There are 18,000 men in that

country, 10,000 of whom are wanted, "and are absolutely necessary for garrison "duty; and, as to the militia, a single re"giment will not be fit for actual service "for these nine months, at the very soon"est. When, then, would be the conse quence, if a well-appointed army of 15,000 men, escorted by four or five

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ships of the line, at any one place, fit for "sea; and consequently could not send a "force to meet them. And, in this state "it is, that we are bidden to bold our tongues, "and to impose implicit confidence in the very men, who have brought us into this "dangerous and disgraceful situation!" The latter part of the passage here quoted, alluded to a charge brought against me by the London news-writers, who accused me at once of "exposing the weakness of the country" and of " under-rating its strength.” To which I replied, that, either my state. ments were true, or they were false: if true, I had not under-rated the strength of the country; and, if false, I had not been exposing its weakness to the enemy, whom, on the contrary, my statements tended to deceive and mislead. This dilemma I now beg leave to present to Mr. Archdall. But, Sir, my statements, respecting Ireland, were exactly correct: that country was in the defenceless state described by me; and, if it be in a better state now, I leave the public to judge whether the change is not more likely to have been occasioned by me than by Mr. Archdall, who had been constantly endeavouring to persuade the nation, that Ireland was perfectly tranquil within, and secure from without.-From the manner, too, in which Mr. Archdall made his charge against the Register, it would appear to any person not well acquainted with all the circumstances, that the statement, to which he referred, was made since the war began, and not, as was really the case, six weeks before the close of the negotiation, and at a moment, too, when peace was continually on the lips of Mr. Archdall. The tendency of the statement condemned by this gentleman, was, he tells the Parliament, to produce the very worst impressions, which, in some of the papers, he is made to explain thus: " to invite the enemy, to encourage "seditious, and to dishearten the well"affected." To invite an enemy, with whom Mr. Archdall, at that very moment, saw a fair prospect of living in peace; to encourage the seditious and dishearten the well-affected in the country, which was

having reason to hope that my voice would have some trifling effect, it was my duty to make the statement, and publicly to give the opinion, of which your friend Mr. Archdall has thought proper to complain.

-In speaking of the means of national defence, the line of distinction to be followed, is that, in times of imminent danger, no weak part, which it is impossible to strengthen, ought to be pointed out. If, for instance, the enemy were just ready to sail from his shores to attack us, and if I knew, of a particular part of our coast, which was totally defenceless, and whither it would be impossible, or, at least, very difficult, to march an army in time to repel the invader, it would be highly blameable in me to point out the situation of such part. But, if there were time to march an army to the spot; if there were time to render this weak part strong, and thereby to effect the repulsion of the enemy, or to prevent his attack; then, it would be my duty, not only to direct the attention of the public towards the part in question, but to describe, as strongly as possible, the danger to be apprehended from the weakness of the said part; because, it is only by such means, that I could hope to contribute towards the removal of the cause of my apprehension. The question, therefore, with respect to my remarks on the state of Ireland is briefly this :-Was there, or was there not, on the 9th of April last, time to add to the strength of the ar my in that country, and to that of the fleet in the two channels, previous to a French invasion? If this question be answered in the affirmative, if there was, six weeks before the war began, yet time to add to the means of defending the sister Island, then was my statement not only justifiable, bat meritorious, and perhaps, eminently useful.

The second charge is, that I have endear voured to excite a mutiny in the navy-[ have, Sir, not a very high opinion of your political candour. Misrepresentation I have long observed to be your fort: but, I really was surprized to see it stated, that you bad, in your place in Parliament, repeated, as a truth, this false and shameful libel of the Morning Post, which libel was grounded on the expressions contained in an article, that I would, if I thought it still necessary, republish every weak of my life.First, Sir, observe, that this article was published so long ago as the 22d of January last, just in the midst of that "profound peace," of the continuation of which Mr. Addington was then holding forth the most flattering promises. My correspondent (for I have not the merit of having written the article),