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and accepted; and, on the next day, the whole island was surrendered to the British. -His R. H. the Duke of York is now on a tour along the coast, reveiwing the troops stationed there, and examining the preparations which have been made for defence.

NAVAL -On the 25th of June Commodore Hood, in the Centaur, accompanied by the Argo, Ulysses, Chichester and Hornet, tansported the British troops, under the command of Gen. Grinfield, from St. Lucia to Tobago, and anchored in Courland Bay to aid their operations in the reduction of the island. The decisive measures of Gen. Grinfield, however, rendered any further assistance unnecessary.-On the morning of the 9th inst. Capt. Shepheard, in the armed cotter, Princess Augusta, anchored off Boulogne, and was immediately attacked by seven French gun-boats full of soldiers. After a cannonading of an hour and a half they all rowed on shore and anchored under the batteries. Signals were then given for Capt Macleod, in the Sulphur bomb, to come up, and after a firing of several hours, the gun-boats retreated to the pier head at Boulogne.-Thirty-two ships of war are fit ing in the ports of Spain; and all the Spanish galleons are expected before the end of the month.-Ten ships of the line, fit for service, besides frigates and inferior vessels are in the port of Toulon, waiting for a fair opportunity to sail. A ship of 80 guns was launched on the 14th ult. and two others are now building. A frigate and two brigs from Smyrna lately entered the harbour, aad several English vessels are said to have been carried in by the French cruizers in the Mediterranean. An English flotilla is watching before Civita Vecchia and the mouth of the Tiber. Another squadron has appeared off Ancona in the Adriatic. All Vessels entering the ports of Naples are examined by the British cruizers off the coast of that kingdom - Several of the Baltic fleet have arrived at Yarmouth, and the whole number amounting to about 400 are hourly expected,

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

RUSSIA--We stated, in our last, that there were some favourable symptoms, with respect to the disposition of this power; and, we are now glad to perceive, that the information, from which we then spoke, is strongly corroborated by intelligence from Various parts of the Continent.-The Emperor of Russia is said to care little about the possession of Malta. Denmark, which has augmented its army and not its navy, has been questioned by France upon the

subject, and has, we believe, given no an swer. This intelligence seems to correspond with that which we published on the 30th of July *.-—Events are now making good our assertion, so often repeated, that England must sink for ever, or must regain the reputation which she lost at Amiens. If the powers of the Continent, or any of those powers, should now join us in the war, what will become of the doctrine of Messrs. Fox and SHERIDAN? And, what then, will become of these politicians, if the mighty struggle should, at last, end in the restoration of the House of Bourbon? If they live over the mortification, which they must feel at such an event, we shall be tempted to think them made of brass instead of clay. The ministerial papers now say, " when the "Chief Consul declared England no longer "able to fight France single handed, he only spoke the general opinion of the "Continent, formed from the bad terms of the

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Treaty of Amiens; but, the great powers, "Austria in particular, begin to think that

they have been mistaken, since England "bas declared wart." To the war it is, then, that we are to ascribe the retrieving of our reputation, and the revival of the spirit of the Continent; and, the ministers, together with their new supporter, MR. SHERIDAN, have explicitly declared, that the opposition of MR. WINDHAM was the prin cipal cause of the war; therefore, if their declaration be true, and we are not much inclined to dispute it, MR. WINDHAM's endeavours, which they have constantly opposed, have, according to the present statements of their papers, retrieved the reputation of England and revived the spirit of the Continent.

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TOBAGO. The taking of this island must be a pleasing circumstance to every one, except, perhaps, Lord Castlereagh, who gave it as his opinion, that "the only way of regaining our influence on the Continent of Europe was to yield up all the colonies which 68 we bad taken from France!!!" The inhabitants of this island were shamefully aban-doned by the Treaty of Amiens, and we advise them, to have a clear understanding with the government, before they again. commit their fortunes to the mercy of a Hawkesbury or a Cornwallis.

IRELAND. We are glad to perceive, that would be both foolish and wicked in us to tranquillity prevails in this country; but, it attempt to persuade our readers, that all causes of apprehension have ceased. There appears to exist a deep and widely organized

*See Vol. IV. p. 153.

↑ M. Post, August 19th, 1803.

conspiracy against the state; and, that this organization was effected by the aid of French agents, during the peace, there now remains not a shadow of doubt. The flame is stifled, for the present; but, very far indeed is the fire from being extinguished. It is now evident, that French commissaries were at work in Ireland so early as the month of July, 1802; that is, in about six weeks after the Definitive Treaty of peace and amity had received the approbation of the last Parliament. The papers, published in May last, prove, that his Majesty's ministers were fully apprized of this French agency so long ago as November, 1802; yet they took no measures to prevent its effects. They even, after making the discovery, sent out orders for the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope! They still endeavoured to preserve peace with this perfidious enemy. They, after discovering Buonaparte's perfidy, caused Mr. Peltier to be prosecuted for attempting to disturb the amity so bappily subsisting between that usurper and this country -But, the most criminal part of the conduct of the ministry, is, their having taken no precautions against an insurrection. The government in Ireland was as completely surprized as a drunken sentinel, who is sleeping upon his post, and who requires a good bastinado to bring him to his senses. Messenger after messenger was met with sneers; and a gentleman who, but a very few hours before the Lord Chief Justice was killed, communicated his apprehensions to a person high in office at the Castle, was told, that "some one had been quizzing

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him"! On this fact our readers may rely; and if we do not name the person, who thus treated information of so serious a nature, it is because we regard him as having only participated in the infatuation which prevailed through the whole administration. It is an alarming consideration, the Irish .militia, who, as far as they are raised, consist of men taken out of a country boiling with conspiracy, should not have been raised upon terms that would have admitted of their being brought to this island. Lord Limerick mentioned this, towards the close of the session of parliament, and regretted that a provision of the kind alluded to was not made. It was then, perhaps, too late; but, the very provision now wanted was proposed by MR. ELLIOT, at the time when the Irish Militia Bill was before parliament. He stated, that, as a bounty was to be given, nothing would

be so easy as to extend the service to Great Britain. Four guineas a man was the bounty; another guinea would have extended the service; the number of men was 18,000; so that at the expence of 18,000l. the present embarrassment and fear, not to say imminent danger, might have been avoided, by bringing the Irish militia to Great-Britain, and by sending the British militia to Ireland. MR. ELLIOT repeated his opinion, on this subject, during the discussion of the defence bills; but, in both cases, his advice was rejected; and, by MR. ARCHDALL in particular, it was. in the former instance, treated as defammatory of the spirit of loyalty, subordination, harmony, and contentment, which prevailed in every part of the sister island-Ireland is the point, against which, we suspect, the enėmy will direct his attacks. There is yet time to render it secure; but what have we to expect from Mr. Addington and his cofleagues? What can we expect from men, who, with the full evidence of a French conspiracy in their possession, suffered Dubin to be surprized?

M. DUMOURIER is arrived in England, and it is said, has been sent for by persons in authority. We hope this is not true; yet we should not be surprized to see such a man carressed and trusted by those, who have uniformly suspected the sincerity of the royalists of France. But, if we really should discover, that this person is entrusted with any thing, on which the safety of the country does, in any degree, depend, w shall not fail to remonstrate against such confidence, let it be bestowed by whom soever it may.At any rate, it will be perfectly proper that the people of this country should be fully informed who Mr. Dumourier is, what he has been, and what he has done, not forgetting bis plar for the invasion and conquest of England, written even after he was proscribed by the republicans of France.

P. S. The scandalous and insolent attacks on the nobility for not subscribing at Lloyd's shall be noticed in our next.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The Letter on Invasion, which contains some most excellent remarks; the Letter on the Promotions in the Army; the Letter to Mr. Addington on the Income Tax; the Letter on Ministerial Promotions; all these, together with some others if possible, shall appear next week.-The Letter on Invasion and that on the Income Tax are admirable. We are very anxious to receive other artis cles from the same hands.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by E. Harding, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mail.

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VOL. IV. No. 8.]

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London, Saturday, 27th August, 1803.

[Price 10D

"I must, always, consider a NATIONAL DEBT AS DANGEROUS TO LIBERTY; for a Public Debt, of any magnitude, produces, of course, taxes; the collection of taxes requires revenue officers; "the appointment of these, being in the Executive Government, will, necessarily, extend the influ"ence of the Crown; and that extension must be at THE EXPENSE OF THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE.” Mr. Sheridan's Speech on the 16th of April, 17,0.-See Debrett's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. XVII. page 405.

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LETTER II.

TO R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. M. P.

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"honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) "has pronounced a lofty panegyric on the "Weekly Register; he has declared, that "be agrees in every sentiment contained in "it, and that a statue of gold ought to be " erected to the writer. Statues, now-a"days, are not voted by the Legislature, "but upon private subscriptions. I hope "the right hon. gentleman will immediately commence one upon the Stock Exchange "of the City of London. The writer, with whose every sentiment he agrees, having "only maintained that the co-existence of "the funds and the monarchy is no longer

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SIR,The third charge, which you thought proper to prefer against me, and which I think it right to refute, was, that I was labouring to produce the annibilation of the National Debt, and thereby to bring about a violation of all public faith -Before I enter on this refutation, I must take some no tice of the motive, from which you brought forward the charge, and also the extreme unfairness (to give it the mildest possible" term), which you discovered in applying it to Mr. Windham. In introducing the Political Register, as a topic of debate, you were actuated partly by the soreness which you felt from its remarks, and partly by a desire to marshal against it all the other part of the London periodical press; and, from the expressions you made use of, from the dispensible measure for the protection of art and nicety with which you balanced "the monarchy and constitution of the your censure and your praise, it is very evi- " country. I hear a groan from an hon. dent, that you hoped to effect the double" and learned friend of the right hon. genpurpose of prejudicing the public against "tleman. I rejoice to hear so forcible and the Register, and of softening the Register" surly an expression of his anger and diswith respect to yourself.-Mr. Windbam "approbation of the idea I have referred was, by no means, called upon to repel your "to. [Dr. LAURENCE said, across the attack upon me or my work; but, with "House, bis meaning was mistaken]. Then, that faithful attachment to the cause of " said Mr. Sheridan, I am to understand truth and of justice, which we trace through that the learned Doctor approves the unevery situation, which we behold in every qualified panegyric bestowed upon Mr. action, of his life, he voluntarily stepped "Cobbett's suggestions, and that be equally forward to express his approbation of my "wishes to see a statue of gold erected to work, and his respect for myself, whom he "bim; nay, I must presume his wish to be was pleased to say, he admired for my con- "not merely a statue, but a collossal stadut in America, where, by my own un"tue."-Oh! the acute logician, the lucid aided exertions, I had rendered my country reasoner, the candid disputant! What do services which entitled me to a statue of you think, Sir, are the sentiments, which a gold. This unexpected panegyric on me perusal of this passage must produce in the opened an unbounded scope for your powers mind of every reader of even common disof misrepresentation. You immediately as- cernment? And can you, without feeling serted, that Mr. Windham had declared his the blush of shame warm your cheek, reagreement with "every sentiment" of mine, flect upon the conclusion which must inethereby proceeding upon an assertion di- vitably be drawn by every gentleman, whatrectly in the face of truth. But this part ever may be his principles, or to whatever of your speech is too curious, it is too ex- party he may belong? 1, Sir, write not to cellent an epitome of your parliamentary that rabble, for whom your speeches are inreasoning and wit, not to be repeated as tended; and, therefore, I shall not dwell often as occasion may serve. "The right upon the sophistry, or rather the brow

possible. I am, THEREFORE, entitled to "assume, that the right hon. member agrees "with Mr. COBBETT that the violation of "all public faith, and the destruction of all "public property, is an immediate and in

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beating hard-mouthed slang, in which you replied to Mr. Windham, and which does really resemble the eloquence which we have frequently the mortification to hear from the box of a hackney-coach, or the shafts of a dust-cart. The assertion on which your principal inference, with respect to Mr. Windham's opinion, is grounded, is all that I here think it necessary particularly to point out. Mr. Windham,' say you, approves of Mr. Cobbett's every ⚫ sentiment, and allots him a statue of gold for his labours; and, as part of these 'sentiments lead to the annihilation of the National Debt and the violation of all public faith and all public property, I am intitled to assume, that Mr. Windham wishes to see the National Debt annihilated, and also that he wishes to see a violation of all public faith and all public property. Now, Sir, it appears from every report which has been published of 'this debate, as well as from the evidence of persons present, evidence which I am sure you will not attempt to controvert, that Mr. Windham never said, that he agreed in

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every sentiment," expressed by me; and, as to the allotment of a statue of gold, though the figure concluded a very high eulogium, that allotment by no means implied any such agreement as the one which you imputed to Mr. Windham; for, where, for instance, is the man, who will deny that Dryden deserved the statue, which has since been erected to his memory; yet, where is the man that agrees in every sentiment of Dryden? Besides, Mr. Windham did, as evidently appears from the face of the debate, distinctly confine the reward, which he was pleased to allot me, to my conduct in America. That was complete: it was become a portion of history, fixed and unchangeable. My public life in America had received its consummation, so that sentence might be confidently passed upon it, one way or the other. Mr. Windham did, indeed, declare, in general words, the high sentiments which he entertained of my present work, and of myself; but, the point of the panegyric and the motive of the reward was my former service. And thus the order of things was preserved, not inverted, as in the case of your mob-courting vote of thanks to the volunteer corps. In nowise therefore was the statue of gold connected with the sentiments contained in the Politicol Register: for no one sentiment, much less every sentiment, of which, did Mr. Windham, by his eulogium on me, assume a responsibility, any more than you, by your eulogium on the daily papers, ren

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dered yourself responsible for all the falsehood and all the nonsense circulated through those vehicles, the conductors of which, though honoured with your personal as well as political friendship, are, for the far greater part, the most stupid and most venal of mankind. It was, moreover, well known to you, that, in several instances, the Political Register contained sentiments differing considerably from those entertained and expressed by Mr. Windham; and as to the topic in question, the expediency of annihilating the National Debt, I had, in the very number of my work which was published on the Saturday preceding the day when your speech was delivered, expressly stated, that I knew of no one, who agreed with me in opinion, except, perhaps, Mr. Stock, a City gentleman, whom I knew not, but whom the newspapers were then persecuting, for having had the audacity to prefer cash before funded property. words were these: "This is a point, on which we stand quite alone: we have yet heard of no one, friend or foe, except Mr. Stock, who does not differ from us as to the necessity of a national sponge." By whomsoever, therefore, this declaration is taken into view, your assuming that Mr. Windham's eulogium on me amounted to a proof of bis wishing to see the annihilation of the National Debt and of all public faith, must be regarded as a misrepresentation the most flagrant and most foul, and cannot be attributed to any other motive than that of exciting, amongst the ignorant and the selfish, a prejudice against the gentleman, before whom you had sunk, in the opinions of the honourable and the wise. You were, at first, in hopes of extorting from the lips of Mr. Windham some expression, which you would have been able to torture into a disapprobation of my writings, and thereby to represent my principles as disclaimed by him. Hence your assuming that he himself was a writer in the Register. If he had denied this, or if he had narrowed the bounds of his approbation, you would instantly have trumpeted to the world, through the channel of your eulogized press, that Mr. Windham had publicly turned his back both on me and my work. If this failed, if you did not succeed in drawing forth any phrase, from which you might infer a disavowal of all my sentiments, then you were prepared to fix on him an adoption of them all! To frustrate your views it did not require that he should perceive them. He had only to pursue the dictates of his own honourable mind, which bade him frankly to declare his general opinion of the work and its author,

and to treat your imputations and the unprecedented interrogatories of Mr. Archdale with silent disdain, leaving to me the task of defending my own principles, sentiments, and conduct.

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Your charge, as preferred against me, is, that I have maintained, that "the coexistence of the monarchy and of the "funds is no longer possible," and that "the "ilation of all public faith, and the destruc"tion of all public property, is an immediate "and indispensable measure for the pro"tection of the monarchy and constitution "of the country."-This is your charge, as given in the Morning Post, and a charge more completely destitute of truth was, I will venture to say, never preferred by any pettifogger of Hicks's Hall or of Horsemonger Lane.-There are, in this and the preceding volume of the Register, several passages, where I have treated of the funds; where I have, indeed, endeavoured to show the necessity of annihilating the national debt. But, it is not the speculation, in this simple state, that you wish to charge me with, and to fix on Mr. Windham. You add two very important circumstances: to wit; that I insist upon the annihilation being immediate, and that it shall take place in a manner which shall produce a violation of all public faith and a destruction of all public property.

Without these circumstances the charge would have had little weight; for, as to my wishing to see the annihilation of the debt, you must have been well assured, that I only agreed with every man in the kindom, who owns no part of it, and, indeed, with no small number of the stock-holders themselves. Your charge, then, is necessarily reduced to the circumstances of time and of manner. And pray, Sir, when, where, in what part. of my work, have I called for an immediate annihilation of the debt, or proposed a violation of public faith and the destruction of public property? You having left the charge entirely unsupported by proof, and even by a reference to facts, I should certainly be justified in dismissing it with a very laconic reply; but, this mode of proceeding, though I am persuaded it would satisfy you, would not be quite satisfactory to myself. You have, as the ground of your charge, selected, not the whole of an essay, or set of observations; not the whole of a section, or paragraph; not even the whole of a sentence; but, as

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you did in the case of Mr. Reeves, only one member of a sentence, making no allusion whatever to any part of the context. The words of this detached member were: "whereas we regard the destruction of "the monarchy as certain, unless the "funded debt be annihilated." I do not say even here," that the co-existence "of the debt and the monarchy is no longer "possible; " I do not say, that the annilation must be "immediate ;" and, when I have quoted the context, it will clearly appear, that the annihilation, which I have constantly had in view, is a gradual annihilation. I was, in the observations alluded to, defending the justice of the direct tax. upon the funds, and contending, that MR. PITT's objection, which, by the bye, Mr. Windham supported, was not well founded; because, I regarded the future additions. to the tax as a good instead of a bad thing. "With respect to the extending of the pro"portion, it was," said I, a prominent "idea of our own, where we stated, that "the 5 per centum now laid upon the "interest was only a small beginning in the "good work, which was finally to relieve 66 us from that mill-stone, which has so "long been sinking us, deeper and deeper, "into every species of disgrace.-Here, "however, we disagree with Mr. Pitt, "who does not seem to regard the tax 66 upon the funds as necessary to the sal"vation of the state; whereas, we regard "the destruction of the monarchy as certain, un"less the funded debt be annihilated; and this "cannot, as far as we are able to perceive, "be conveniently and effectually done, "except by a tax, a direct and unequivo "cal tax upon the funds; or, in other "words, a deduction from the interest "due to individuals on the capital stock. "We hear a terrible out-cry, excited by "this opinion; but we despise this sort of "clamour and abuse as much as we did "the howling of the mob, when they "broke our windows, because we refused "to rejoice at the peace. We are fully "persuaded, that our opinion is correct. "It is the result of long thinking upon the "subject; and has now been communi"cated to our readers, not from any factious

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