ports, both day and night; consequently, not a single vessel can move by day, without being seen even in port; how then is one bundred or more of these vessels, even in the night, to come out of the harbours before which our ships are so closely placed, without being discovered by our commanders? Or, how indeed, could one bundred or more of these vessels, crowded with soldiers, leave their own ports after dark, even supposing our ships were not immediately in the way to oppose their departure? Would they not run foul of each other or get on shore, and consequently fall into the utmost confusion before they could clear the harbour's mouth? And, if they took a moon-light night for the purpose, they would be almost as soon discovered by our ships as by day. Until the equinox our squadrons may constantly be kept close upon the enemy's shores, and during and after that period they have only to take a little offing when the wind blows on the enemy's coast, as the flotillas must be kept stationary as long as an adverse wind blows; and when the wind is from off the enemy's shore, and favourable to the movements of their flotillas, our ships will of course be always the more secure against the element the nearer they are to the land. When the wind is westerly, the boats of each blockading squadron will keep rather to windward of the object of its attention, and when the wind is to the eastward they will then take a similar station, by which an entire command of each port would always be preserved. It should also, be observed, that, whenever the wind is fair for the enemy to approach our coasts, the surf is, in consequence, so great upon the shores, that, without any opposition being made to the landing of his troops, the attempt would be liable to great hazard, if it were not even frustrated.--Various means of defence against invasion have been devised, amongst which, in the autumn of 1798, when we were told that rafts, in addition to every means now resorted to, were preparing to invade us, there was one of an entirely novel, but of a most important kind, projected by the then Board of Admiralty. It was this, vessels of a certain description were collected in the Downs, filled with stones and other materials for the purpose of being scuttled and sunk at the entrance of Goree, in order to shut up the navigation of the port; and this would undoubtedly have been effected, had the vessels, instead of being dispatched from the Downs, been sent directly from Yarmouth, which is immediately opposite to Helvoet, and only ninety miles from it. Unfortunately, however, the These season being far advanced before the attempt was made, and the vessels meeting with strong and contrary winds on their voyage from the Downs, the object was defeated. This circumstance should not, however, prevent a renewal of the attempt against Gorce, and against all such other ports, where the entrances may be in any degree similar, either on the coasts of Holland, of Flanders, or of France. In many instances it would be a most effectual system of defence, and would confound and annoy our enemies beyond description.While I am speaking on the subject of defence, I think it will not be amiss to observe, that, besides the ships employed upon the enemy's coasts for the blockade of their ports, we have a number of ships upon our own coasts, stationed at different points where the enemy may be expected to make his attempt, under the denomination (which you so much admire) of block-ships. ships should all, if they are not already provided with them, be supplied with strong fire booms, high boarding nettings, and a quantity of hand-granades; a couple of artillery men, acquainted with the art of throwing hand-granades, should be put on board each of the block-ships. It might not be amiss also, to supply all our blockading squadrons, particularly those within the Channel, with hand-granades, which would have a most destructive effect when thrown into open boats or small craft; and every ship or vessel appointed to defensive operations, should constantly lie, when at anchor, whith springs upon their cables, by which they would be instantly enabled to bring their broadsides to bear upon any object that might approach, without any regard to wind or tide.--Having already pointed out the difficulties the enemy must have to encounter before he can reach our shores, and enumerated the immense armed force we have to oppose him, should he ever, contrary to any belief founded on common sense and reason, effect a landing in this country; I have no hesitation in saying, that offensive operations should be commenced against him without delay. There are many parts of the French coast, which might be attacked by 10,000 British soldiers, with a certainty of success; for whilst the enemy is drawing the invading army into Holland, Flanders, and the adjacent departments, several points must be exposed, and vulnerable to such a force as that abovementioned. The nation is now thoroughly roused and prepared to meet the enemy, yet offensive operations would tend still further to animate the people, and diffuse a military ardour throughout the realm, by calling to our recollection the martial deeds of our brave ancestors. It is a duty also, which we owe to ourselves and to our posterity, to punish our inveterate and insolent foe, threatening us at once with plunder, devastation, and destruction. By undertaking some offensive operation before the approach of winter, the great expense and personal sacrifices made by the people would be more chearfully borne, and the nation would be led to contemplate the glorious exploits of the ensuing year, when we shall have at least 60,000 disposeable regular troops to open the campaign and to invade our enemy's coast. We shall besides, have by that time a fleet equal, if, unfortunately, circumstances should render it necessary, to cope with the whole marine of Europe. I have only one more observation to make before I close this letter, which is, that, while the bounties are increased in every branch of the military service, the bounties for seamen remain exactly as they have been for years. I should therefore hope, that for a limited time, the bounties for able seamen would be increased to ten guineas; for ordinary seamen to six, and for landmen to four--In corroboration of the opinions which I entertain upon the subject of invasion, I shall, for the present, only beg to call your attention to the sentiments Buonaparté avowed to Lord Whitworth on the 21st February last, in conversation with his Lordship, in which Buonaparté said, that, "as a proof of his desire to maintain peace, " he wished to know what he had to gain "by going to war with England. A de"scent was the only means of offence he "had; and that he was determined to attempt, by putting himself at the head of "the expedition. But, how could it be "supposed, that after having gained the height on which he stood, he would risk "his life and reputation in such a hazardous "attempt, unless forced to it by necessity, "when the chances were that he and the " " greatest part of the expedition would go "to the bottom of the sea. He talked "much on this subject, but never affected "to diminish the danger. He acknowledged that there were one hundred "chances to one against him; but still he t was determined to attempt it, if war "should be the consequence of the present "discussion; and that such was the dispo"sition of the troops, that army after army "would be found for the enterprize.' Whether Buonaparte actually thought the odds against the success of his boasted and rash attempt were so great as he stated them to be to Lord Whitworth, I cannot pretend to say, but of this I am certain, that if, after reading the above, any man will only make use of his reason, he will easily convince himself that the Consul could not be much out in his calculation.I am, Sir, yours, and a Friend to my Country. 13th July, 1803. TO THE RT. HON. H. ADDINGTON, &c, SIR, His Majesty having, by his gracious favour, placed you at the head of his councils, your opinions derive from that situation a degree of authority, as well as a facility of circulation which would not belong to them in your capacity of an individual. It follows as a necessary consequence, that it is your duty to be unwearied in the inquiries, and earnest in exerting the whole pow. ers of the mind to form those opinions on the soundest and most clear foundation; always recollecting that you are deeply responsible to your country for every failure in the above most important duty, directly arising from your situation, and that the public will be the sufferer from your errors or indiscretion.It is in the character of an individual of this public, who conceives, that we are affected in our most delicate rights by some principles advanced, and warmly supported by you in the debates on the Property-Bill, that I now address you.― You have, in the debates alluded to, distinctly maintained the following position, as a principle by which your conduct, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, might be correctly regulated in the important duty of taxation; namely, "that in the imposition of a ge"neral tax on property, a distinction in point of rate might be made in taxing property of different kinds:" and to carry this opinion into effect, the Property Bill introduced by you, subjected the proprietors of land and interest in the funds, under a certain value, to a heavy rate of taxation, from which the mercantile interest were either wholly exempted, or relieved according to various degrees of abatement.-—[ shall not enter into or repeat the abstruse and metaphysical reasoning drawn from the writers on political economy, by which you and the Attorney General attempted to justify a measure, which the common-sense of mankind (who most fortunately have not read these books) will pronounce to be unjust and absurd; I choose rather to prove to you and the learned gentleman, the folly and danger of making distinctions between different kinds of property at all, by a sort of reasoning which will create no other feeling in those plain men, who understand it, than that of surprise, that any arguments, much less metaphysical arguments, could have convinced the Attorney General, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.--To put the question in a clear and practical point of view; if I should ask you, Sir, or any man of common sense or justice in the kingdom, do you respect the rights of proprietors? Are you willing to give property your protection? Your answer would, no doubt, be in the affirmative. Now, Sir, if you examine the operations of your own mind, and the plain practical feeling that dictates the answer, you will find that this avowal of respect for property, this declaration of a readiness to protect it, is a sentiment that does not admit of degrees or qualification; it is subject to no mental reservation or technical distinction; it is, on the contrary a general assent to a general proposition, without degrees, qualification, distinction, or reservation.But, Sir, though this is plain, yet you propose to levy a tax on the land holder and stock-holder, from which you are of opinion that the merchant should be exempt. would ask, is this in conformity with the principle above described? Do you in making this proposition of an "unequal" tax, equally respect and protect every species of property? Or rather, do you not in practice, in this very important instance, adopt a scale of degrees in the respect and protection you are disposed to give to property?-But you will here be forward to detail your lesson of metaphysico political economy, and your grounds of distinction between this and that species of property.I shall not repeat what you have said, or anticipate what you may say; but rather ask you, is there no danger in all this? Are you quite sure, that in every future period, every man will make the precise distinctions, or that every man will agree in the same scale of degrees which you have proposed? Are you so certain, that your reasonings are so mathematically correct that no future speculator will venture to substitute another set of visionary speculations, and a new scale, in the place of your visions and your scale, and may not the human passions of envy and avarice interfere in the dispute and convert "all your theories" and "the practice" of oppression and plunder?I confess this, I have, at times, felt an inclination to hear your speculations on this subject with mere pleasantry and laughter; but I recollect, that we have lived to see times that make the indulgence of abstract speculation no subject for jest or sportiveness of the iniagination.We all know, that a very few years have passed since the general pillage of all owners of property took place in an unfortunate neighbouring country. The very first step in this tragedy was, that of making invidious distinctions between different species of property, and this on grounds just as fallacious and absurd as those advanced on the authority of the Attorney General, and of you, Sir, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer.Yet, notwithstanding the weakness of the reasons, the whole property of the clergy in France was subject to general confiscation.-The greater part of the rights of the land holders was abolished, and their property arbitrarily confiscated: the ultimate conclusion was pretty sweeping and general; universal proscription was issued against all proprietors by the most absurd and inflammatory declamations against "the aristocracy" of wealth. The first step throughout this nefarious tran action was the use of plausible theories to mark out one species of proprietors as the object of plunder, their title was questioned on loose and indefinite grounds, the band of property, thus weakened, order after order, proprietor after proprietor, were proscribed and pillaged, till the leading feature of property, "security of pos "session," was annihilated.- -You will be forward to say these are extreme cases, and cannot apply to the subject in question: my answer is this; they are historical facts which have been produced by visionary spe culators, who have either been deluded themselves by writers, whose works, I conclude, you have read, or who deluded others for the most nefarious purposes.I might end my argument here; but, independently of the general principle, various considerations concur in strengthening my position of the propriety of adhering to the simple rule of equal and undistinguished taxation of the different owners of different species of property. We are now engaged in a war which will certainly require the unanimous and cordial co-operation of all persons in the kingdom, to bring it to a conclusion on terms which will secure the safety, honour, and independence of the country.Now, Sir, the obvious and certain effect of making this invidious distinction between different proprietors, (a distinction which you most fortunately were unable to establish,) was to weaken the band of union among them, and to establish a petty rivalry and jealousy between the gentlemen of the landed and commercial interests.If your project had been carried into effect, or even had it been longer contested, this consequence would inevitably have followed.-Nay, to a " have uniformly thrown on the people of England, the odium and disgrace of compelling you to sign this piece of parchment called the Treaty of Amiens; but, whether justly or unjustly, I shall not now inquire.— Sir, I conclude this address to you with a serious request, that you would not hereafter depend on the writers on political œcononiy, for principles to guide you in the practical work of taxation.-I would, also, guard you against metaphysical arguments, as not being fitted for practical use. Very few are there who can resort to them for assistance without danger.-You may possibly have heard of a weapon of offence, (not the rustic implement) called a " flail,” in the hands of a man of strong arm, cool head, and correct eye, it affords of all modes of attack the most effectual and destructive; but place it in the hand of the feeble, the timid, or the short sighted, and its force will inevitably fall on the head of such a man if he presumes to use it, and heavy will be the fall thereof. Pray Sir, remember the concluding advice contained in this allusion.— I am, your most obedient servant, AN OWNER OF PROPERTY. TO THE EARL OF SUFFOLK. certain extent, this rivalry and jealousy was beginning to take root; the danger was at its first stage, theories were discussed, and distinctions were contended for, on the one side, and denied on the other; thus the end of their struggle could not have been beneficial to either party, even you must admit; for my part, I conceive, that it might have naturally led to disunion, fraud, and violence. But, Sir, if your principle in itself leads to all these mischievous consequences, the mode of carrying it into effect was peculiarly calculated to accelerate the period of their arrival. If I understand the question correctly;" all income arising from the "mercantile transactions and capital, was exempted from taxation if under £60 per annum, and entitled to various degrees of " abatement from the general tax when un"der £150. At the same time all income "derived from land or the public funds, "was subject to taxation from the lowest "sum without either exemption or abate"ment."--Now, Sir, I must suppose you wholly ignorant of the whole of actual and common life, if you do not know, that, of all descriptions of men, the very poorest are the small annuitants deriving their subsistence from funded property, and the small land proprietors. Men of the latter description are, also, extremely numerous, as you might have been informed by the members for Yorkshire, Wales, and some of the western counties.Do you think, that these persons smarting under a tax, from which their mercantile neighbour was exempt, would not have felt the most severe discontent, and that feeling it then would not have loudly expressed it? You may be assured this would have been the immediate effect.-You will perhaps, recollect (though it sometimes occurs that you forget what you have openly and deliberately said) that you have distinctly described the whole of the late burthens as "war-taxes." Now, if any such tax should become odious from the injustice, folly, or partiality, of its imposition, I think, I may, from the constitution and frame of the mind of man, and from the nature of his passions, assume, that the period would not be distant when the war itself, supported by such taxes, whose duration is limited by its continuance, would become unpopular.-I beg you would for a moment reflect (and the experience of the peace of Amiens will assist your reflections,) what would be the consequence of your being obliged again to make a disastrous and disgraceful peace or truce, (call it which you will,) by the clamour and discontent of the country.—I say again, "obliged," for you caution or reserve. I ain, iny Lord, a sol MY LORD,At a crisis so important, so momentous as the present, every nobleman should follow the praise-worthy example set by your Lordship, in recommending, to our Gracious Sovereign, measures best calculated to defeat the intentions, and render abortive the attempts of our presumptuous and enterprising enemy. The plan, which has been recommended by your Lordship, of constituting a field commission for the purpose of planning, digesting, and even executing projects for our own security, and the annoyance of the enemy, is a measure which must meet the entire approbation of every friend of his country. It is a well known fact, my Lord, to every private in his Majesty's army, that many of our generals are too little acquainted with active, and actual service; are untried men, and have not the ability to surmount unexpected difficulties. The soldier, in the ranks, feels elated with sanguine hope, or depressed with melancholy apprehensions, in proportion as he admires the services, or despises the ignorance and inexperience of his general, or immediate commanding officer; their hopes of success, or fears of failure, are generally built on the character and known conduct of their leader; and these are communicated from one to the other without dier of a few years standing, (8) but, in that time, I have been very actively employed in the duties of my profession, and am pretty well acquainted with the habits, dispositions, temper, and ideas of the privates of the army, from whom an officer, much among them, will frequently hear, that "such an officer is a very gallant man, but "no general. Such another will lead us "into action, but knows not how to lead us "out. Such a man has never seen ser"vice, and how can he conduct us advan"tageously? Perhaps, to shew his courage, " we must all be cut to pieces, because he is " inexperienced." On a march, my Lord, men must talk, and very often in terms of dissatisfaction. Men will judge, will think, and will speak. Ask the 52d what they thought, and still think, of their Ferrol excursion; they will answer, 66 we feel dis ployments: and with tolerable interest in that quarter, a man may acquire (from be ing out of the army entirely, and after never having been more than a captain in the army, and a commissary of ordnance) the rank of Lieut. Colonel, and a snug command, (a fit reward for an old and needy soldier,) followed by another very good appointment. There are many useful and valuable officers, who have never quitted the service, and who might reasonably expect, and look for such rewards after a long and toilsome life, in the service of their country; and it is the misapplication of these rewards, that tends greatly to undermine, and will eventually ruin our military service; I have often heard it remarked, that the very numerous new regulations made by our superior, only operated to the prejudice of the poor, and were all easily surmounted by the rich; under such an idea, men never will serve with zeal, activity, and diligence, and it is greatly to be regretted, that such really is the case. At the commencement of a new war, it is certainly necessary for the good of his Majesty's service, that officers of every rank and description, should have ample reason to feel assured, that their services will not only be remembered, but be rewarded, without the aid of interest, or influence of money. The circle in which patronage, employment, emolument, and rank are confined, does not embrace very many of our most able, and most deserving officers. It is the duty, my Lord, of every true, every manly patriot, (of your Lordship's consequence,) to adopt an unconfined, steady, and discriminating attention to, and support of, merit in our officers. In such a free country as this, noblemen have the power of recommending to his Majesty such of his subjects as deserve his notice, and our Sovereign is known to possess a desire to reward services in a flattering manner; but, my Lord, there are persons possessed of diffident and modest merit, men who complain only in private, men who disdain to solicit favours, but are ever ready to offer, and afford services. These are the men fit to be employed. Take the pains, my Lord, to scrutinize the list of generals, and brigadiergenerals, now employed on the staff, inquire into their qualifications for such distinc tion; ask where, when, and how they have served his Majesty? Do not confine your inquiry merely to those in Great-Britain, extend it to Ireland, to Scotland, and even in India; you will meet with objectionable characters, not in Baird, Stewart, "Wellesley, or M'Dowall. These are distinguished characters worthy of any and every distinction which their country can confer on them.— graced by our leader; had Moore, Mon66 son, or any one under whom we were "accustomed to serve in India been our "leader, with the power to act, we should "have acted as gloriously as we have acted "in India." A raw recruit soon learns from the old soldier, the character and ability of his general or commanding officer, and he is easily lead to adopt, with juvenile ardour, the opinion of the veteran. With what enthusiasm are some names mentioned by them! The undrilled recruit feels elated, when Beard, Hutchinson, Abercrombie, and bis not less gallant and admired brother, Robert Abercrombie, are named. He has learnt, and firmly believes, that these men are conquerors, that they know how to fight, and how to beat an enemy. Under these men, or those who are known to have possessed their confidence, to have aided their efforts, to have distinguished themselves under them, and to have received their public and unqualified approbation, soldiers, my Lord, are ever ready and able to perform acts of heroism. But, in our service, unfortunately, interest and not merit, carries every thing. When a general assumes a command, the natural and general questions which soldiers ask each other, which one regiment inquires of another, are, "Where has he been on service? Who did "he fight under? Did he beat or was he "beaten? Is he an old soldier, or has he " got on by his purse and his friends?" The name of old soldier, sounds even to the recruit, like the name of brother, father, and friend. How much must, consequently, depend upon the mere reputation of a general or leader? It is not in St. James'sstreet, or at the Horse-guards, that officers learn the art of war; there, it is true, they obtain notice, patronage, and lucrative em |