dignified acts have, to my surprise and dis gust, for a time procured you some friends but friends, you may be assured, who wil desert or betray you without scruple, the moment they see, that the nods and the smiles of another man are more likely to promote their interest or gratify their selfimportance. Having cursorily mentioned the most marked and obvious features of your political character, which I do not hesitate to assert, is a compound of cowardice, indecision, folly, and not less duplicity, I shall call to your recollection some facts, in which some or all of these respectable qualifications for a Prime Minister of Great Britain do most distinctly appear. -In the first moment of your administration, you were so terrified by your own advancement, and so absolutely in a state of pupilage, that the whole appears to have been a mere blank in your history.The first fact in point of date, which occurs to my recollection, is that, in which, by a motion of yours, you sacrificed the law of the land, and the rights of Parliament to your fear of the Rev. J. Horne Toɔke.—I cannot forget the indignation, with which I read the report of your speech on this occasion; in which, after detailing with more than your ordinary clearness, the legal arguments wherewith you had been supplied, and which most distinctly proved, that the clerical character disabled any man from being elected a member of Parliament, you, in direct contradiction to every argument which

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you bad used, concluded by a motion for a bill to confirm the seat of this Rev. Gentleman, to whom no regular government ever had, or, I believe, will have any obligation. That your motive was fear, direct dastardly fear of Mr. Tooke, let no man doubt; the friends of your government, the runners from your offices proclaimed it most loudly by their commendations of your tion" in avoiding contests similar to those about the Middlesex election, &c. &c. being arguments which your cowardice made neCessary, and their prompt servility led them to circulare.--Believe me, Sir, a sacrifice of the principles of established law to motives which you find it convenient to dignity with the title of "discretion," is no light matter; and you may be assured, that many men of serious and reflecting minds, formed from this beginning a very correct estimate of the character of your administration, an estimate which subsequent events have indelibly confirmed ---The next act in point of date, of which I shall take notice is, alas too well known, and too severely felt to lay me under the necessity of

:

naming it your conscience will immed atey tell you, that I can allude to nothing but the transaction relating to, and ending in, the disgraceful (and not less disastrous than disgraceful) treaty of Amiens. I could wish, for the honour of my country, that history could be silent as to this treaty; this cannot be but be assured, that no man can ever record the details of this event, with the fidelity of an historian, without transmitting your name to posterity with all the contempt it deserves.--That this event most fully proves your disposition to retreat from present difficulties, no man can deny; I will not waste words in proving it; but the transaction proves another leading feature of your character, I mean, that of your "" management" and "dexterity." You were, and you knew that you were, the deliberate author of this treaty, which commenced from the date when our evil stars made you prime minister; and yet you most industriously proclaimed the "people of England" as the authors of this disgraceful event, for which, as prime minister, you were almost exclusively responsible.I am informed of a fact, which you cannot deny (and which if a public address would justify me in disclosing names I could prove), namely, that dur ing the disgraceful interval which elapsed between the signing the preliminaries of peace and the definitive treaty, when we were insulted by every means of aggression, that proclaimed the continuance of the "hos tile mind" of the enemy; you were informed from various sources, (and from sources to which you attached a credit) that this people," whom you so unfairly traduced as the authors of their own disgrace, were again fully roused to action and eager for the continuance of the war.

Surely, Sir, this conduct cannot be said to convey the idea of fair "address" or management." But, to use plain words, it exhibits a most striking effort of the art of political chicane.—The next point, I shall mention, relates to your conduct as a minister of finance, and arises from your budget of the year 1802If I am correctly informed, you have uniformly been among the foremost in your panegyrics on the system pursued by that great man (who I trust will never again call you his right hon. friend, or permit you to address him by that title,) and by which he provided for the extinction of the loan of each year, by raising one per cent. on the capital stock funded, in addition to its current interest. -The step which you took in this budget of 1802, was to introduce an

Act entitled, "An Act for amending and rendering more efectual the Acts for the re"duction of the public debt." The leading feature of this Act (however incredible it may appear, let no man disbelieve me,) was to dispense with a provision for the reduc tion of our debt to the extent of " eight bun"dred and sixty thousand pounds per ann.", a sum nearly equal to the original sinking fund!!You know, or ought to know, that the fund would be wholly a loser to the extent of £850,000 per ann. for the term of six years under your system; and that it would continue to be a loser (calculating at a moderate rate of interest) for upwards of twenty years; which is, in the view of every man, a sort of political perpetuity as to money concerns; and yet you deliberately and modestly call this an Act "to render more effectual the Acts for the re"duction of the public debt!"- -Who is so blind, as not to see, that the whole measure had its origin in your feeling yourself unequal to the attempt of imposing taxes necessary for the support of the public credit according to your acknowledged opinions on the subject? And who can be so besotted, as not to discern, that the title of your act was a mere fraud to mislead the public as to their opinions of the transaction?That the public did not see its baseness and folly, is most true; though your present

right hon. friend Mr. Tierney" was not wanting in his duty, and did then very clearly expose and reprobate the impolicy and cowardice of the measure.――― - But, Sir, the blindness of the public as to these subjects, may possibly have been among the motives, which tempted you to shew yourself more conspicuously to the world, in that Most unfortunate, contemptible, and fallacious publication entitled "Substance of "the Speech of the Rt. Hon. Henry Ad

dington, Dec. 10, 1802."——The mention of that pamphlet leads me to the immediate consideration of another very remarkable feature of your conduct as "mi

known to every well-informed man in the country, and particularly to the gentlemen. at the Stock Exchange. -I mention the subject with another view; you were informed of the existence of these errors on the very day, or the day before this publication issued from the press. And yet with this information on a question not admitting of doubt, (if you comprehend a sin gle principle on the subject) you officially sent this pamphlet as a sort of financial "manifesto," to our ambassadors at the several courts of Europe.-Sir, till this disgraceful transaction, there is not an instance on record, of so fraudulent a juggling, and dishonest a trick on the part of any minister of Great Britain; it was reserved for the "candid," "liberal," and "honest" Mr. Addington to circulate a financial romance, equal in point of effrontery and fraud to any that ever issued from the pen of the celebrated Barrere or the complaisant minister of Buonaparté. If another feature were yet wanting to exhibit those leading features of your administration, namely, those of ind cision, folly, and duplicity, let any man read, (even in their mutilated and garbled state) the papers submitted by you to parliament as containing the substance of the late hostile negotiation.-- That we were on the eve of a war, whilst you were proclaiming the nation as being in the midst of a "pro"found peace," no man of common sense can doubt.- -Could you ever have supposed, that the long and laboured discussions of Lord Hawkesbury united with your "temporising," and your "conciliation," could have ever led to an amicable settlement of such a dispute with such an enemy?

And yet with a total absence of common sense, with a want of dignity the most marked, and with a duplicity the most disgraceful, you continued deluding this country with your prating about "profound

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cipice, from which nothing but a renewal of war (under all the disadvantages of your creating) could withoraw us.Sir, I most deliberately and solemnly warn you, that if you should have again the power of prescribing to the nation, another such opiate,

as the peace of Amiens," the sleep that will ensue will be the sleep of death! Can any man after these transactions lock

with confidence to the future; if such things have been, who can dare hope, that they will not occur again!--Can any man after such woeful experience, be su blindly sanguine, as to look forward to any thing but disgrace and rain from the continuance of your miserable government?I have, as you may suppose, omitted a variety of facts, which concur in proving these leading points in your political character, which I will not again repeat. It is bowever impossible not to notice, in a few words, your quant of decision as to the conduct that should be pursued against Spain; your total and shameful abandonment of even the common form of vigilance as to Ireland; your magnanimous promises as to " gigantic measures for the security of the country, and your sudden terror when you begun the actual performance of them; your miserable indecisive policy, your arming and disarming, your orders and counter-orders, which will speedily have the effect of rendering every effort of honourable zeal, every disposition to voluntary service languid and ineffectual.--On these points I shall say little; because I do most sincerely hope, that they will be subjects of the most early attention of parliament: and, unless you have better fortune than you deserve, they may end in discussions, that may cost you what you value more even than your place--Since this letter was begun, the papers have announced a fact, which, from its extreme wickedness and folly, I almost hesitate to believe: It is said, that a pamphlet has issued from the Treasury, (where you command, or ought to command every man and every measure,) loaded with the grossest invectives against this "truly great "man," to whom you owe your political existence. It is said, that this paper, (at the same time that it affects to disclose the most sacred and confidential communicacations) misrepresents every fact in a manner the most disgraceful to the writer and to you, who, if you did not direct, at least must have permitted him to write.--I do not know any of the confidential communications between you and Mr. Pift; but this I know, and the whole nation knows, that it was to him that you first owed your elevation to the chair of the House of Commons; I also know, and every man knows, that when you were, to the astonishment of all mankind, created prime minister, the friends of Mr. Pitt either retained their places or accepted them under you, at his express solicitation.--You also know, that without the silent influence of his support, or open assistance, (which, alas! he gave you) your administration could no: hive con

tinued its puny and rickety existence for one month.--That obligations such as these, that a friendship so disinterested, should have been for an instant forgotten, must excite the astonishment of any man who has the smallest spark of an honourable feeling in his bosom.--What then must be the degree of indignation, contempt, and scorn, which your conduct must now excite through the whole nation, when it sees you basely and secretly abetting a Treasury Hireling in the circulation of abuse and invective against this "great man," who bas con. siderably lessened the obligations we all owe to bim, by the unfortunate support be has given to You.——I am sensible, that my zeal for the best interests of my country, has induced me to address you, at greater length than the bounds of a letter fairly justify; I shall therefore conclude, by solemnly requesting, that you will anxiously consider, whether from the experience of the past, you can possibly suppose, that your continuance in power can lead to any other event than the ruin of your country. I would also advise you to reflect, whether your incapacity and weakness have, not unfrequently almost compelled you, in self-defence, to resort to political fraud for your protection; for I do admit it to be possible, that your disposition might have led you (if it had not been tinctured by the most offensive vanity) to have been harmless, if not in some degree useful.--You might have done some service at the vestry of your parish, and have exhibited yourself with some advantage as the foreinan of a jary.- You may be assured that the contempt, with which you have been hitherto treated, is speedily rising into active and general indignation, and except you make a prudent retreat, (I most solemnly admonish you as to the inevitable consequence) the public indignation will take from you, what you value more even than your place or its profits.--You are partial to the signature of a near ob"server," I shall, therefore, subscribe my, self, your humble servant, and

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A NEARER OBSERVER,

TO THE EDITOR.

Antrim, Sept. 10, 1803. SIR,I have just obtained a sight of your No. 8, (Vol. IV. p, 280), wherein your Correspondent from Dublin of August 6, has enumerated many instances of gross inattention and criminal neglect of the various notices given to government concerning the intended insurrection, July 23d. But the most striking and remarkable of all seems to have escaped his recollection. The

traitors amid their ample and uninterrupted preparations, being most destitute of gunpowder, were encouraged by the wilful obstinacy at the Castle, actually to set up a manufacture of it in one of the principal streets in Dublin; where, by the ignorance or carelessness of the workmen, an explosion took place, and one of them was killed on Saturday, July 16. The alarm and apprehensions which this discovery excited among the loyal part of the inhabitants, were treated with the utmost derision at the Castle, and they were even stigmatized with the opprobious name of Alarmists in the account published by government in the Dublin prints, as may be seen in the republication of their account in our Belfast News Letter of July 22d, which is here copied, viz. "DUBLIN, July 19th."Saturday last, some gun-powder having "exploded at a house in Patrick Street, "two men were dreadfully wounded, and "conveyed to Stevens's Hospital, where 66 one of them died, but the other is in a "state of recovery. Various reports have "been founded on the circumstance, ac

quiry made by us, we have reason to be"lieve that nothing of a political nature is "connected with the transaction."—As this explosion took place but one week before the insurrection of July 23d, the surviving workman must have been still a patient in the hospital, when the inquiries concerning it were, or ought to have been instituted by government. Yet I never heard that any inquiry was ever made, or any examination taken of him, concerning this traitorous manufacture of gun-powder. But I hope the subject will not escape inquiry, nor the guilty punishment at the next meeting of the Imperial Parliament. -I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, VINDEX.

PUBLIC PAPER.

LITTER from H. R. H. MONSIEUR, Brother of LOUIS XVIII, to the KING OF ENGLAND, proffering the SERVICES of the FRENCH PRINCES, in the war.

Monsieur, mon frere et cousine,-It is with a feeling the most just, and with the liveliest sense of gratitude, that I avail myself of existing circumstances, to demand of your Majesty, on my own behalf, in that of my sons, of the Princes my cousins, and of all Frenchmen residing in your Majesty's dominions, that you would be pleased to allow us to unite ourselves to your faithful subjects and to offer our services against

a common enemy -Weare Frenchmen, Sie; neither one misfortunes, por the many acts

of injustice we have experienced, have weakene the sacred ties that bind us to our country; but the man who has for the present subjugated France, and rendered it the instrument of his perfilious ambition, is in truth as much the enemy of every Frenchman, as he is of your Majesty, and of your paternal government. On taking this step, we therefore fulfil a double dury: and if your Majesty deigns to accept of our services, we will enter into a rivalship with your loyal subjects, in order to prove to you the full extent of our gratitude.-I pray your Majesty to receive, with your usual goodness, the homage equally sincere as respectful, of every sentiment with which I shall always remain,-Mons. Mon Frete et Cousine, &c. &c. &c.

LETTER from GEN. MACDOWALL, Commander of the BRITISH FORCES in CEYLON, to His Excellence the GOVERNOR, relative to the WAR carried on agamit the KING OF CANDY. Dated one mile East of Geriagamne, Feb. 19, 1803.

Sir, It is with great pleasure I inform your Excellency, that the advance under lieutenant colonel Logan of the 51st regiment attacked this morning and carried the two strong and important posis of Galle Gederah and Geriagamme. At the first, in which the enemy abandoned three very curious brass cannon, no resistance was made; at the last, a heavy fire commenced, the moment the grenadiers of the 19th, under capt. Honner, which led, appeared, and was maintained, though with little effect, until the assailants entered the battery. From their contemptible mode of defence, the enemy, I presume, have not suffered much loss; on our side, 1 serjeant and I pris vate, of the 19th regiment, are severely wounded. From the steepness and narrowness of the paths, had the Candians behaved with common resolu tion, this co queft would have lost us the lives of many brave men. The Adigaar, it is said, has fled into the Four Corles, and the troops who were lately under his command are dispersed in the woods, or have retired towards Candy. The road to the capital is now open; I shall reach Katoogastotte on the Mahaville Ganga to-morrow, and next day have it in my power to march into it. I have no news of Llieut. Col. Barbut's detachment.-I have the honour to be, &c. HAY MACDOWALL.

LETTER from COL. BARBUT, to the Chief Secretary to the Government of CEYLON, relative to the WAR not carried in against the KING OF CANDY.Dated at the Camp at Wallapalloa, February 20 1803.

Sir, Please to inform his excellency, the governor, that about three o'clock in the afternoun of the 19th, as my detachment approached the Great Candian River, I found the opposite bank, the village of Wallapoalloa, and neighbouring hills, occupied by the enemy in force; a few minutes fire from two mortars and one sixpounder obliged them (after expending much of their ammunition without effect) to retire; and the detachment crossed the river this morning. The report of the country is, that the enemy lost 15 killed. At present we are posted at the village of Wallapoalloa, within one English mile and a half of Candy, and are in hourly expectation of being joined by Major General Macdowall-I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

G. B. BARBUT, Liut. Col. commanding the Detachment.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER.

LITTER from the AMERICAN CONSUL at PARIS, respecting AMERICAN CLAIMS on the FRENCH Go

VERNMENT.

Commercial agency of the United States.-Paris, May 30, 1803.

SIR,I have now the satisfaction of informing you, that in virtue of a convention lately entered into by our minister with this government, all American claims which are embraced by the 2d and 3d articles of the convention concluded in September 1800, are to be revised by a board of three American citizens, and as far as may be approved by them are to be paid, principal and interest, in bills drawn by our ministers on the treasury of the United States. This board is to be formed immediately, and is to sit no longer than twelve months-it will be well, therefore, for you immediately on receipt of this letter to send me by two different opportunities, a notarial power of an attorney for the sum that may be liquidated in favour of your vessel the detained by the embargo on American vessels at Bordeaux in the years 1793 and 1794, the whole of which is in my charge. You will instruct me by letter at the same time, in what manner and to whose order you wish me to remit the bills that I may obtain for your account.

(Signed)

FULWAR SKIPWITH.

ADDRESS of the FRENCH and ITALIAN TROOPS under the command of GEN. MURAT, to the IRST CONSUL, offering a portion of their PAY, for the CONSTRUCTION of a SHIP OF WAR.

Our

Citizen First Consul and President, hearts, our arms, our fortune, and our blood, are at your disposal, to avenge the national honour, the right of nations, and violated faith. Placed here on the territory of your first glory, French soldiers and Italians, we have only one and the same wish. Defenders of the same cause, we have rallied around you with unlimited confidence and unanimous devotion, as do all the citizens of the two Republics, who have confided to you their destinies and their felicity. There is not among us a single soldier or general officer who does not burn to be a simple volunteer of the happy army which, directed by your genius and your star, shall pass the seas as you have passed Mount St. Bernard. Every Italian and French soldier offers one day's pay, every officer eight days, and every superior and general officer the half of their appointments for a month for the construction of a ship of war, which shall be the name of our GeDeral in Chief.First Consul and President, let us punish the Cabinet of London, the violator of solemn treaties: let us make war to regain peace and ensure the triumph of humanity: let an island too celebrated, at length be purged of a faction, the enemy of humanity, and even of the English nation. Of a faction which sows calumny, treason, assassination, pillage, and all the Scourges of discord and revolutions. Let the innocent blood too long shed in the two worlds from the thirst of gold fail at length on the guilty heads of those islanders who believe thems Ives masters of the sea. Let the maritime sceptre be broken in London itself; let the flag of war be changed into the flag of peace and commerce, and let that of the feeblest people be every where respected like that of the greatest nations.

LETTER from GEN. VICTOR, commander of the FRENCH TROOPS in the BATAVIAN REPUBLIC to the MINISTER OF WAR, transmitting the CONTRIBUTIONS of his ARMY in aid of the INVASION OF ENGLAND. CITIZEN MINISTER.The troops, the Generals, and the officers of the army, the command of which is entrusted to me, impatiently wait the signal of battle to which the faithless English Government, in the madness of its pride dares them. Hatred to the disturbers of the peace of the world; vengeance for their perfidious conduct, is the cry of the army-led by such sentiments our attack will be fearful. But if, Citizen Minister, it is sufficient for our duty to combat the enemies of the human race, this is not sufficient for the wish which animates us.It is certain that our arms are ready to punish them; but the army I command, not content with having deputed me to be the interpreter of their zeal to prosecute this sacred undertaking, and to request you to convey their homage in this respect to the First Consul, likewise solicits me to transmit to you the voluntary contributions which it has made of a part of its pay for the present month towards the expenses of the war. Subjoined is a list of the contributions. VICTOR.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. HIS MAJESTY'S ORDER for the FURTHER PROROCATION of the BRITISH PARLIAMENT.

At the Court at St. James's, the 14th day of September, Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.--It is this day ordered, by his Majesty in Council, that the Parliament, which stands prorogued to Thursday, the 6th day of October next, be further prorogued to Thursday, the 3d day of November next.

INTELLIGENCE.

FOREIGN. The intelligence which has been received from the Continent respecting Portugal and Spain is uncertain and contradictory. Some accounts relate that both are aneing with a determination to resist the encroachments of France; and others that both have paid large sums to her agents, for the preservation of peace. A letter from Hamburgh, of the 26th instant, says that a courier who passed through that city on his way from Lisbon to Peterburgh, reported that Gen. Lasnes had presented several notes to the Prince Regent containing the demands of his government, 1st that all the Portuguese ports should be shut against the English; 2d, that Portugal should pay France a very large sum; and 3d, that she should fit out a certain number of ships to be employed by France against England. The Moniteur of the 4th inst. contains the following statement of the causes of the dissatisfaction which France entertains with respect to Portugal.

Lisbon, August 2.-An English priva'teer entered Faro in Algarve, with a • French prize. This prize was a polacre from Marseilles, captain Pourquier, co