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Commandant, and no other Field Officer. - Every Regiment of 8 Companies or more may have i Con pany of Grenadiers, and I Company of Light Infantry, each of which is to have 2 Lieutenants instead of Lieutenant, and I Second Lieutenant or Ensign. Every Battalion of 7 Companies, and not less than 4, may have I Company of Grenadiers, or I Company of Light Infantry; which Company may have 2 Lieutenants instead of 1, and i Second Lieutenant or Ensign.--One Serjeant and 1 Corporal to every 20 privates.——One Drummer to every Company, when not called out into actual service.--Two Drummers when callcd out.

STAFF.

An Adjutant, Surgeon, Quarter-Master, and Serjeant Major, may be allowed on the estabi bment of Corps of sufficient strength, as directed by the Militia Laws; but neither the said Staff Officers, Dor any other Commissioned Officer, will have any pay or allowance whatever, except in the following cases, viz:--If a Corps, or any part thereof, shall he called upon to act in cases of riot or dis turbance, the charge of constant pay may be made for such services, for all the effective officers and men employed on such duty, at the following rates; the same being supported by a certificate from his Majesty's Lieutenant, or the Sheriff of the County; but if called out in case of actual inrasion, the corps is to be paid and disciplined in all respects as the regular Infantry; the Artillery Companies excepted, which are then to be paid as the Royal Artillery.

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Surgeon The only instances in which pay will be allowed by Government for any Individual of the Corps when not so called out, are those of an Adjutant and Serjeant Major, for whom pay will be granted at the rates following:-Adjutant, 6s. per diem; Serjeant Major, Is. 6d. per diem, and 2s. 6d. per week in addition, if authorized by his Majesty's Secetary of State, in consequence of a particular application from the Lord Lieutenant of the County, founded upon the necessity of the case: but this indulgence cannot be allowed under any circumstances, unless the Corps to which the Adjurant They belong shall consist of not less than 5co effective rank and file, and he shall have served at least five years as a Commissioned Officer in the Regu. lars, embodied Militia, Fencibles, or East India Company's Service; and unless the Corps to which the Serjeant Major may belong shall consist of not less than 200 effective rank and file, and he shall have served at least three years in some of his Majesty's forces.--Drill Serjeants of Companies are to be paid by the Parishes to which their respective Companies belong, as is provided in the 43d Geo. III. cap 120, sec. 11. and no charge to be made for them in the accounts to be transmitted to the War-Office-Pay at the rate of one shilling per man per day for twenty days exercise within the year to the effective Non-commissioned Officers (not being Drill Serjeants paid by the Parish), Drummers and Privates of the Corps, agreeably to their terms of service. No pay can be allowed for any man who shall tot have attend

ed for the complete period of twenty days. When a charge of constant pay is made for an Adjutant or Serjeant Major, his former services must be particularly stated in the pay list wherein the first charge is made.--The allowance for clothing is twenty shillings per man, once in three years to the effective Non-commissioned Officers, Drummers and Privates of the Corps.--The ne-. cessary pay lists will be sent from the War-Office, addressed to the several Commandants, who will cause them to be filled up, and who will take care that the certificates be regularly signed whenever the twenty days exercise shall have been completed and the clothing actually furnished to the men. The allowance for the twenty days exercise may be drawn for immediately, and that for the clothing, in one month after the receipt of such pay lists at the War-Office, by bills, signed by the several Commandants, at thirty days sight, upon the general agent: unless any objection to the latter charge shall be signified officially to the said Commandant in the meantime.The whole to be clothed in red, with the exception of the Corps of Artillery, which may have blue clothing, and Rifle Corps, which may have green with black belts. Serjeant Major receiving constant pay, and Drill Serjeants paid by the parish, to be attested, and to be subjected to military law as under 43 Geo. III. cap. 121.-All applications for arms and accoutrements shall be made through the Lord Lieutenant of the County directly to the Board of Ordnance, and all applications for ammunition, for exercise and practice should be made through the Inspecting Field Officers of Yeomanry and Volunteers to the Board of Ordnance annually. Ammunition for service should be drawn, through the medium of the Inspecting Field Officer, from the dépôt under the orders of the General Officer of the District.The arms furnished by the Board of Ordnance to Corps of Volunteer Infantry are as follow:-Muskets complete with accoutrements; drummers' swords and drums with sticks; spears for serjeants.. The articles furnished to Volunteer Artillery by the Board of Ordnance, are pikes, drummers' words, and drums with sticks.-Spears are allowed for serjeants, and pikes to any extent for accepted men not otherwise armed.--The following allowances, in lieu of accoutrements, &c. where required, may be obtained on application by the Commandant of the Corps to the Board of Ordnance:-10s. 6d. per set in lieu of accoutrements; 33. each drummer's sword belt; 2s. each drum carriage.-Such Corps as have offered to serve free of expense, and have been accepted on those terms, can claim no allowance under these heads of service.Every Offi cer, Non-commissioned Officer, Corporal, Drummer, and Private Man to take the oath of allegiance and fidelity to his Majesty, his heirs and successors. If the Commandant of a Corps should at any time desire an augmentation in the establishment thereof, or any alteration in the title of the Corps, or the names or dates of commissions of the officers, the same must be transmitted through the Lord Lieutenant of the County, in order to the amendment being submitted to his Majesty. All effective Menibers of Volunteer Corps and Companies accepted by his Majesty, are entitled to the exemptions from ballot allowed by 42 Geo. III. cap. 66, and 43 Geo. III. cap. 121, provided that such poisons are regularly returned in

the muster rolls to be sent in to the Lor! Lieutenant or Clerk of the General Meetings of his Coun ty, at the times, in the manner, and certified upon

honour by the Commandant, in the form prescribed by those Acts and Schedules thereto annexed.The Monthly Returns should be transmitted to the Inspecting Field Officer appointed to superintend the District in which the Corps is situated, and to the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

CHANGE OF MINISTRY.

Great as are the dangers, the real physical dangers, which menace this empire from without, and which now are not to be avoided, still our internal dangers, arising from the incapacity and selfishness of the ministers, are infinitely greater. Never mind that, says, Mr. Sheridan. When the country is in danger, "ask not who is the minister, but "bere is the enemy;" and this sentiment is, of course, applauded by Mr. Addington. Never look at me and my follies, and my places, and my rapaciousness, but look towards the coast; go, ye cowards, and fight, and not stand here prying into the conduct of those who have brought the battle to your doors. This doctrine may suit very well Mr. Sheridan, who wants to get a place, and Mr. Addington who has twenty places, which he wants to keep; but, few other persons will, unless they are actuated by similar views, attempt to maintain it. The opinion of Burke, on this subject, has very recently been cited: "It is said," says he, "that, whatever our sentiments may have "been before, all the policy we have left is "to strengthen the bands of government. On "the principle of this argument, the more "mischiefs we suffer from any administra"tion, the more our trust in it must be con"firmed. Let them but once get us into a "qvar, and then their power is safe, and an "act of oblivion past for all their miscon"duct." The great Lord Chatham, while Mr. Pitt, speaking upon this topic, on the 7th of January, 1740, said: "It is my opi

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nion, that our time cannot be more usefully employed, during war, than in setthing the degree of confidence that may be reposed in those persons, to whose care

are entrusted our reputations, our for"tunes, and our lives." Such was the opinion of two of the greatest statesmen that this, or any country ever produced; and, against which opinion, no one will scarcely be found impious enough to oppose the place-seeking maxims of Mr. Sheridan *,

*The doctrine he inculcates now, is, besides, directly opposed to that which he has held on former occasions: "The Right Hon. Gent, has made

a strange assertion: according to him, the worse the

But, the fact is, we do not enquire "who is "the minister?" We enquire what he is, and what he has done. It is not his name, or his person, that offends us so much: it is his qualities and his actions; his ignorance, his pusillanimity, and his selfishness; the ruin and the infamy to which he has exposed us. And, as to asking "where is the "enemy?" That would be ridiculously su perfluous: we know but too well where he is now; and, if he should come any nearer to us, the inquiry will, certainly, not be more necessary. So that this eulogized, this lofty, this loyal and patriotic sentiment, is, when it comes to be examined, mere unmeaning verbiage, a turn of words, like one of those with which the jack-pudding amuses the bumpkins at a wake: and thus it is that this poor cozened nation has, inch by inch, been led to the very brink of destruction.-What, however, excites the greatest degree of indignation, is, that we are requested, and even commanded, on pain almost of being stig. matized as traitors, to show all this forbearance, all this hitherto unheard-of indulgence, towards men, who have, both in doors and out of doors, employed every means in their power to vilify and to injure all those, who have endeavoured to prevent the dreadful mischiefs, which they have brought upon their country. The base arts they made use ot to inflame the rabble, all over the country, against the noblemen and gentlemen, who had the wisdom and the integrity to oppose the peace, or rather, to prepare the nation for its fatal consequences, are fresh in the memory of every one. "THE

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PILOT," a work which was established for the express purpose of supporting the ministry, and which contained the most atrocious falsehoods against every one who opposed them, was conducted by a man, who, during the last war, passed several years in jail for seditious practices, and who, as editor of the PILOT, was selected by the Addingtons, and paid by Hiley Addington. I speak here of a positive fact. "THE PILOT," a publication more false, scandalous, and infamous than any that ever, either before or since, issued from the British, or any other press, and which publication was devoted to the libelling of all those who were in opposition

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to the ministry, was paid for by Mr. Hiley
Addington; and, that the money came out of
the public purse, few persons, I imagine,
will doubt. In parliament, and by the
means of parliamentary reporters, what spe-
cies of foul play is there, which has not been
resorted to? Misrepresentation upon misre-
presentation, falsehood upon falsehood;
over and over again a hundred times has the
minister himself been detected and exposed,
and still has he returned to the practice of
the most shameful misrepresentation ever
heard of in the world. His statement of to-
day has been denied: he has revived it to-
morrow: again contradicted, again convict-
ed, he has sunk for the present; but has
started up again, the moment his opponent
has been lifted from his neck.-

"Detect his fib, his sophistry, in vain;
"The creature's at his dirty work again."

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-And this has been the constant practice of all his colleagues as well as of himself. But, the complete instance of the "candour" of the ministry, who set up such pretensions to the forbearance of their opponents, is exhibited in the "CURSORY REMARKS," which, under their auspices, have lately issued from the press, in the shape of a pamphlet. This pamphlet, is, I greatly fear, the production of a gentleman named BENTLEY, a gentleman whom I know not personally, but for whose talents, and, generally, for whose principles as expressed in his former political writings, I have a very great respect, and whom, therefore, I sincerely lament to see engaged in the service of persons, on whom he must look down with contempt. His resentment against Mr. Pitt, if the cause of that resentment be truly stated by Mr. Pitt's friends, I can readily excuse. But, however great his provocation; however great the rage that he must feel at being rejected, because he refused to be a mere tool of George Rose, which was, I take it, the real state of the case; however just it may be to make the ex-minister feel the weight of those talents, the existence of which he denied, because the possessor of them would not consent to be a slave; however fully MR. BENTLEY might be justified in lashing, without mercy, the follies and the faults of Mr. Pitt, nothing, most assuredly, can justify the use of that series of misrepresentations and falsehoods, that shameful sophistry, that low, that base courting of the rabble, which prevail from the beginning to the end of the

CURSORY REMARKS." And, if the writer is not to be justified; if the man, who has been ill-treated by Mr. Pitt, is not to be

justified in writing these libels against him, what shall be said of Mr. Addington? And how, with this publication before him, can he have the assurance to talk of candour, or to hope for forbearance? Let him not pretend, that he knows nothing of the origin of this work. This hypocrisy is more shameful even than the fact, which it is meant to disguise. The "CURSORY REMARKS" contain a relation of facts and circumstances, which nobody but the ministers could possibly com municate to the wri er of the pamphlet. Besides, out of the two thousand five hundred copies that have been published, a thousand have been bought by the treasury, and upwards of seven hundred have been circulated under official franks! And yet the candid and pious Mr. Addington knows nothing of the matter! Though the public, amidst all its pecuniary difficulties, will be called on to pay two or three thousand pounds, probably, for this libellous pamphlet, Mr. Addington knows nothing at all of it! This is the answer to every inquiry; this is the miserable subterfuge, by which he thinks to shelter himself from the vengeance of present times and from the detestation of posterity. It is this shameful falsehood by which he hopes to elude the charge of a breach of faith, of divulging the secrets of the Cabinet to a hired pamphleteer, and of committing, towards Mr. Pitt, an act of baseness and of ingratitude unparalleled in the history of parties.

-To dwell on each particular part of the "CURSORY REMARKS" shall be reserved for a time of more leisure. It is, for the present, sufficient to observe, that the pamphlet, which has been truly styled the Minis terial Manifesto, and which contains a premeditated and most violent attack on the persons as well as the principles, on the private as well as the public character, and even on the families and friends of all those who are, in any degree, hostile to the ministers; that this pamphlet has been published just at the prorogation of parliament, just at a time when all the persons attacked were dispersed over the country, and compelled to devote the whole of their time to its defence, just at a time, too, when these very ministers were deprecating all discussions, calling on us to,

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suspend all party animosities," bidding us "not ask who was the minister but where "was the enemy," and when they were representing it almost as an act of treason to call for their removal! Such is their idea of

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unanimity," and such their method of obtaining it! So much weakness and so much arrogance, so much baseness and so much insolence, never was before exhibited in the

history of man.--Trusting, however, that the people will not for ever remain sunk in that stupor, into which they have been plunged partly by the measures of the government and partly by their own fears, it may not be amiss to remind them how much their situation has been changed for the worse, how fast and how far they have fallen, under the administration of the men, who now have the assurance to demand their implicit confidence.- -These ministers found

the country at war; at war, at successful war, with a fleet sailing against Copenhagen, with an army safely landed in Egypt, with Malta, the Cape, the Island of Elba, and an endless list of conquered colonies in her possession, and with a public credit unshaken, the coun1ry was put into their hands. What is our situation now? These same men have had, at their absolute disposal, the whole of the wealth and means of the country from that time to this, and how have they managed them? What is the change they have produced? Of sixten of the conquests, which they found us in possession of, they gave up fourteen to the enemy, three of the most trifling of the sixteen they have since re-conquered, at the expense of a good sum of money and not without some British blood; eleven are still in the possession of the enemy, and the remaining one, which they had agreed to give up, they have made the ostensible object of a new war!- S.nce these ministers came into power, France without the expense of one single shilling, has acquired and sold again, the province of Louisiana; she has joined Piedmont and the Island of Elba to her own dominions; she has made Italy a sort of vice-royalty dependent on her; she has subdued Swisserland; rendered Holland more subservient than ever; she has laid Portugal under contribution; and, though last certainly not least, she has invaded and conquered, and pillaged his Majesty's hereditary dominions, where she is, at this moment, actually raising his Hanoverian subjects to fight against him and his subjects in Britain!

"Fir'd at the sound, my genins spreads her wing,

And flies where Britain courts the western spring; "Where lawns exrend that scorn Arcadian pride, "And brighter streams than fam'd Hydaspis glide; "There all around the gentlest breezes stray, "There gentle music melts on ev'ry spray; "Creation's mildest charms are there combin'd, "Extremes are only in the master's mind; "Stern o'er each bosom reason helds her state, "With during arms irregularly greats "Pride in their port, defiance in their eye, "I see the lords of humon kind pass by."

-The lords of human kind,” ruled by Mr. Addington! silently submitting, gentlemen, clergy, nobility and all, to the degrading sway of the son of a mad-doctor! To Lord Hawkesbury and Lord Castlereagh, and brother Hiley and brother Bragge! Pretty "lords of buman kind," taoly! With what shame, with what mortification, do we now read such passages as this! And, would not the poet, if he were alive, indignandy tear the page from his book? Yes, the lawns and the streams still remain, the breezes still stray and the music still charms our ears; but, were do we find that stern reason, those great and daring views, that proud defiance, which once inade us appear the "lords of "human kind?" Lords of human kiud, who, for the sake of peace, for the sake of 381 days of peace, give up sixteen conquered colonies, and the honour of the flag into the bargain! Lords of human kind, who are now running about asking where and when the enemy intends to land upon our shores! Lords of human kind, who are guarding the Thames by hulks, who are building huts along the coast to watch the French al winter, who are fortifying London, are preparing to inundate Es-ex and Kent, and who seem to regret that there is no way of getting the whole country under water, or up into the clouds!--But, not to go back to the days of Goldsmith; to confine ourselves to the change which has been produced by these present ministers; what was our situation, with regard to the security of this kingdom, previous to the peace of Amiens? Lord Hawkesbury himself shall answer the question: As to any harm, which France "could do to us, or which we could do "to France, I believe it does not require many words to show to the satisfaction of gentlemen, that a total cessation of any thing like serious and decisive aggression "had taken place. Where, and in what manner was it possible for us, even with all our immense superiority at sea, to affect "France? The fact was, that neither power

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could affect the other *." Now, either his lordship, through ignorance or through an intention to deceive, uttered a falsehood, cn this solemn occasion, or he and his colleagues bave effected a most tremendous alteration in our affairs; for, there is no a man amongst us, who does not feel that France can now affect us, though she could not be fore the peace of Amiens. Aye, say the be

*Speech in defence of the Preliminaries of Peace, Vol. 11. p. 1120 and 1121.

sotted herd, who ran about justifying that peace," but, the truth is, the ministers could not get the money to carry on the "war." Where, then, will they get it to carry on this war, which, without producing any increase of trade, as the last war did, will be infinitely more expensive? But, "the people were weary of that war." And will they not be weary of this, which is ten thousand times as harassing? Mr. Addington said, that another year of war would have cost forty millions, and that even cer*tain success would not have been worth "such an expense." The first year of this war, which is certain to produce no success, will cost fifty millions; the next will cost sirty, and the next eighty millions, if this wretched system is persevered on, and that it will be, as long as the present ministers remain in power, is certain. They can pursue no other. They have not minds to raise them above the miserable course, which they are at present pursuing, and which will inevitably conduct this country into the arms of France, if the people do not instantly come forward in a legal, orderly, respectful, and affectionate manner, and beseech their Sovereign to dismiss these men from his councils. There is not, perhaps, in the his tory of the whole world, an instance of such consummate folly, or such consummate baseness, as is exhibited by this nation, at this moment, in suffering, without remonstrance, the duration of the present ministry. Nor is our forbearance to be attributed to a sacred regard for his Majesty's prerogative, or to any other loyal, patriotic, or generous consideration or sentiment; but to that low, paltry, cowardly sort of motive, which influences the conduct of the wittol, who, though he feels the antlers weighing down his head, sill bears with his dishonour, for fear of making things worse.

of the imputation of having dicrated these abominable writings; for, if they remain silent upon the subject, those who know any thing of the arcana of the London news-press will not hesitate to pronounce them to have entertained an intention of acting upon the bloody principles, to which their hirelings have attempted to reconcile the minds of the people.It is, however, cowardice; not ferocity, poor wretches, but sheer cowardice, that makes these miserable creatures taik of shedding blood. They know, that they themselves shall not go to battle, and they care not if the nation pass for butchers; they care not what infamy is brought upon the English name, so that they see not the face of the enemy. "Go," say they to the army and the fleet, "go and kill the rascals, and "do not suffer them to come near us."That these sentiments ought by no means to surprise the readers of the Register will ap pear from a repetition of what was stated in it very nearly a year ago. "It is your

PRISONERS OF WAR —— -Since the publication of the preceding sheet, the fear of invasion has increased, and, with it, the evidences of ministerial cowardice. A daily Paper*, notoriously under the absolute controul of the ministers has, after a number of

introductory hints, at last, ventured to broach

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e horrid doctrine of the necessity of putting death the French prisoners of war; not only who may be taken in battle, on our Shores, but those also, whom we already ave in our power, and in our prisons! For he honour of the country, it is to be hoped, Eat the ministerwil be able to clear themSelves, and that they will clear thewiselves,

The Morning Post.

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"bawlers for peace and plenty; your philanthropic haters of all war; your men "who, to use their own words, would, • rather be kicked a little than fight much;" "these are the men (if, indeed, they are "worthy of the name), who would gladly "subscribe half a crown a piece to pur"chase the death of the Consul; not, bre

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cause he is the enemy of their Sove"reign and of the glory and independence "of their country, but because his restless "and ambitious mind may conceive such

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projects as will deprive them of their "wealth, or compel them to fight for it. The 66 very same motives of sifi-huess and "cowardice, which led them to embrace "Buonaparté, would also lead them, if they "could do it with the certitude of impunity, to slip a dagger in his side. That cowards are always cruel is a n.axim, which is now fully verified.--One of my objections to "the peace of Amiens, one of my reasons for be holding that measure with detestation, is, that it has reduced this once brave and honourable people, a people famed for the "frankness of their professions and the fair

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ness of their combats, to affect friendship "for those whom they hate, and to bope for "security from the loavest and foulest of

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means.”—~This was written on the 30th of November last. Invasion was clearly foreseen, and it was still more easy to foresee whit, in such a crisis, would be the conduct of those, who had hailed as a blessing the infamous peace of Amiens. The present object, however, is to prevail on the ministers to disown the detestable writings here alluded

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