ordnance was all that was wanted to provide, in the course of six weeks, arms for two hundred thousand men; and yet, nearly, if not quite, one half of the volunteers, are, to this hour, destitute of arms of any kind, while many of those who are armed have only pikes, that is to say, sharp pieces of iron fastened on to the end of staves, instruments very little better than pitch-forks, wherewith to meet the balls and the bayonets of the French. To provide weapons like these required no call from the people; and, if a call had been necessary, every one will acknowledge, that it was by no means wanted; for, that the people have been continually calling for arms, from the time that war was declared to the present hour.-The answer to the Edinburgh memorial is represented, in the ministerial papers, to have been, that "Lord Keith commands on the "Northern Station, and he will send what "force he may think necessary." Thus all the responsibility is miserably attempted to be shifted on an officer, who, with a most extensive scene of operations, both offensive and defensive, from Boulogne to the Elbe and the Weser, and from the North Foreland to John o'Groat's House, has, probably, under him not half the force, which he may think barely sufficient for half the objects of his manifold duties. Add to this, that the have completed a much larger establishment want of cruizers is not the only, or even the of the same kind from the very stocks.~~-~ principal, complaint of the people of Edin-Let it not be said, that this is giving infor burgh The memorial, if we may trust Lord Meadowbank, represented the superior utility of merchant vessels, fitted up as gunboats; and, to that part of the application there does not appear to have been any answer at all given. That is, most likely, left, as every other part of our defence has been, to the public-spirit of the people, or to chance.His Lordship does, however, appear to have been misinformed as to the situation of the coast of England, which he seems to regard as in an impregnable state; but which, defenceless as is the state of the Scotch coast, has, in general, nothing to boast of by way of comparison. Norfolk Norfolk has in it one regiment of militia and its quota of volunteers, and that is all: not a single company of regulars in the whole County, and the volunteers, who had no arms served out to them till since the beginning of this month, must, of course, be in an admirable state of preparation for a meeting with the legions of Buonaparté. Accordingly we see, that the people of the county are looking out for the means of light. Edinburgh is laying in provisions for a siege; but the people of Yarmouth are preparing for the removal of their valuables and their persons, In Suffolk the state of the coast is very little more secure. Essex has a considerable number of troops in it; but not half enough. Sussex and Kent are in a better state of defence, and this is principally owing to the exertions of the Duke of Richmond and Mr. Pitt. But, generally speaking, the situation of Scotland is full as secure as that of England; and, if we take into consideration the anxious desire, which the enemy has to reach London, Scotland is more secure. We are, all round our vast coast. in absolute want of gun boats and craft of that description; and, after the repeated representationsTM of our own naval officers, we are Now beginning to hire packets and fishing vessels, which we are soon to begin to fit up with carronades, upon a plan approved of, and actually adopted, by the late administration, which the present ministers, therefore, in their own way of making war by precedent, are inexcusable for not having long since copied, which they have, at last, chiefly thought of carrying into effect, on the Kentish coast, at the instance and importunities of Mr. Pitt, who is Lord Warden of those ports and shores, and who has been indefatigable in his exertions, within the limits of his jurisdiction; and which, after all, will not be ready for service, before the French, with all their want of naval means, will mation to the enemy, and "inviting inva "sion;" the example of the Edinburgh meeting, composed of gentlemen, clergy, judges, and lords, and presided over by a Duke, may surely be an example sufficient to ward off the charges even of the formidable Mr. Archdall. This gentleman, who thought proper to make a public accusation against the editor of this work, because he had, five months before the war broke out, and two months before it was known that there was any dispute existing between this country and France; because he had, even at that time, represented the state of Ireland as exposed to an attack, the patriotic Mr. Archdall charged him with conveying information to the enemy, while we were at peace, and with inviting to invasion, while we were suffering Frenchmen to come to our shores by thousands, and while the French ambassador was constantly attending at the levee at St. James's. It would be curious to know what sort of sentiment this gentleman entertains of the conduct of the meeting at Edinborgh, where an exact description of the defenceless state of the coast was made and published, and yet where it does not appear that the persons making such description wished to invite the French to their shores. P metropolis and our dock-yards, stay till we are plunged into beggary and ruin, stay till our property is placed in requisition, and till our persons are in chains, and then we will call for a change of ministry! Oh! cowardice, at once how fertile and how foolish thou art! Stay till the danger is over!" Why the danger will never be over, while these ministers are in power; and, if they continue long in power, their power will end with the existence of the Monarchy. "Stay till the danger is over!" why their being in place constitutes the danger. You may as well talk of staying till your wound is cured, before you extract the ball. "Till the can The fact is, that their object was precisely what the object of the Register was, with respect to Ireland; to prevail on the ministers to make better preparations of defence; and, if this object had been accomplished, it is very probable that the rebellion in Dublin and the death of Ld. Kilwarden would have been prevented. But, it is a standing trick with all guilty ministers and their partizans to accuse of conveying information to the enemy, all those who expose the imbecility or wickedness of their characters or their measures; so that, the greater is the danger in which they place the country, and the more likely they are totally to ruin it, the more silent we must be; and, to say the truth, this is the practice which has invariably prevailed in those countries, where the people, after a long series of blind and cowardly submission, have witnessed the overthrow of their government and their laws. Lord Meadowbank was particularly careful to "disclaim "all idea of faction," which appeared to be not very necessary, at a time, when he was accusing the ministers of having "shameful-nistry. Not a paltry patching up; not a mi ly neglected the security of the country." Why this superabundant caution? Why talk of faction at all? No apology of this sort would have been made towards a ministry of talents. Why are the inefficient and selfish mortals, who have brought on us danger and disgrace such as no nation upon earth ever before endured; why are these men, who have absolutely bartered their country for the emoluments of their places; why, of all the ministries that the country ever saw, why are they alone to be spared? The reason is, we are a fallen people, we are a base people, and we love these low and little minded men, because they resemble ourselves. There was a time, when one did hope to see them chased from their ill-gotten power; but, when, after they had put an end to their 381 days of peace by a new war, ostensibly begun for the possession of one of the objects, which the arms of the nation had before conquered, and which it still possessed; when after the affair of the Cape and of Swisserland we saw the nation still enamoured of their sway, there was but very little hope left; and, most assuredly, it has not been augmented by recent events.With some of those, who support, or who, at least, do not oppose, the ministers, the ́excuse is, that this is not the time to change; a change now would create confusion; stay till the danger is over, and then we will call for their dismission.Stay till the ship is aground, or sunk, and then we will change the pilot! Stay till the battle is lost, stay till we are defeated, and then we will change the general! Stay till the enemy has burnt our 'ger is over," indeed! The danger is hardly begun that Illiad of Woes, which, as Mr. Windham observed, began with the treaty of Amiens, will, it is greatly to be feared, never end, till those who left England in 1800, will, upon their return, scarcely believe that they are in England. Nothing can save as from the dreadful horrors, which menace us, but a change and a speedy change, in the mi serable bargaining for places and pensions, and titles; but a radical change upon principle, a change that will embrace all the great character and talents of the country, a change that will inspire respect and confidence both abroad and at home. Such a change might, and would, save this country, but nothing else will, or can save it; and, if the present ministers continue in power, for only a little while longer, no change that can be made will be of any avail. In discussions of this sort, it is always of advantage to know the opinion of foreigners, who are not only likely to be impartial; but who are, in some respects, the only judges to whom we can appeal. From the continent of Europe no political publications reach us, except in German and in French. The opinions which the latter circulate, relative to the British ministry cannot, at present, be regarded as impartial, though it may be observed, that if even an enemy constantly expresses his contempt of you, it is very little to your credit. In the German papers, the ministers are uniformly spoken of as low ignorant men, unworthy of trust or confidence of any sort; and, at Berlin and Vienna, "Monsieur le Docteur A Daindon" is a standing jest. What the Americans think of them will appear from a passage, selected with no great pains from many that are to be found on the same subject in the news-papers lately received: To succeed in the present war England must strain every nerve in her "frame: nothing less than the combined "wisdom, genius and spirit, and above all "the virtue of her very best and most virta " ous statesmen, giving effect to the whole physical force of the country, can afford "reasonable expectation of success. If she goes to war with these advantages, Eng"land has the means of being again what "she was in the time of Louis XIV. the rampart of the independence of Europe, "and the scourge of a tyrant. But if is a "word which often causes us to sigh. In "her states men, as it seems to be the will "of the Sovereign at present to have them, 1 " " we see every thing to cast a clond over "this last hope of Europe. Natural imbecility of heart and head, the habitual vices "of the mere trading politician, will be but a wretched substitute for such qualities as "he must have who grapples with France at this day. They may be assured that corruption and cunning, and all the low tricking of court circumvention (and those "are the whole budget, the waole ways and of the persons to whom we allude) "will neither bribe, nor deceive, nor outwit, nor circumvent BUONAPARTE: we hope, at least we wish, it may not be so: "If the gigantic power, cunning, and ferocity of the ruler of France is to be encoun"tered, it is not by a milk-and-water mix"ture of court vice and apathy that it ought 66 " " " " means to be attempted. Never was there pre"sented to the moral eye a more glorious spectacle than such a hideous object encountered and vanquished by wisdom and "virtue. Those Great Britain can supply, "if its Sovereign will afford them."* Now, however, the Addingtons and Hawkesburies may affect to disregard the opinion here given of them, it behoves the country to consider how fatal it must be to its interests and to its reputation to be under the sway of men, whom all the world are unanimous in despising. It is easy to perceive, that the writer of the essay, from which this extract is taken, is not only a man of talent, and a politician, but that he is, moreover, a friend of Great Britain and an enemy of France, as far, at least, as relates to the present contest; of such a person, totally unconnected with parties and persons here, the opinion must, by all reasonable men, be considered as of great weight. It is, too, the opinion of a whole nation, and that nation more closely connected with us, and knowing us better than any other on the earth. Where, then, shall we look for an excuse? All the world sees our shame; all the world is shocked at our baseness; every where our friends hang their heads, and our enemies are filled with exultation. In short, we bear all the marks of a degenerate fall ng people, and we excite those various feelings, which, in different breasts, such a spectacle usually excites. From the Charleston (South Carolina) Coutief of the 30th of June, 1803, THE FAST.-Oa solemn occasions, like this, great care ought to be taken not to suffer any inconsistency to appear in our conduct. The public will remember, and the world will not forget, that the nation, the very persons, whom, in our prayers, we are now representing as men, who have cast off their faith in God, and, following the vain imaginations of reprobate minds, have plunged themselves into crimes and im"pieties, which astonish the nations of the "earth;" it will be remembered, that, on the 1st of June, 1802, only 476 days ago, we held a public thanksgiving for the blessing of having made peace with the French, and, moreover, that we did earnestly beseech the Almighty to "give us grace to be reunited in "the bands of Christian charity" with the men, with the very men, whom we now, in the face of heaven, characterise as reprobate infidels! It will not do to say, that the French have become infidels since the thanksgiving of 1802; for, it is well known, that, in whatever degree they have changed, the change has been in favour of Christianity.Further comment is useless. Were not the people besotted with fear and with selfishness, they would long ago have perceived, that church as well as state, that every thing, profane or sacred, is made the instru ment, the sport of ministerial vanity and emolument. THE FUNDS have, we are told, risen one per cent. in consequence of a report, that the soldiers of the French army had refused to embark for the invasion of England! And, is there a father, not insane, who will vest his children's means of existence in property like this? If the Funds rise one per cent. upon such a rumour, to what point will they sink, if the French army should not only em bark, but actually land in England, and advance towards London, than which there is nothing more probable? THE MILITARY APPOINTMENTS to the chief commands, in Scotland and Ireland, have been dictated by motives of party intrigue rather than by any other consideration. Lord Moira is not only removed out of the House of Lords, but is banished from the court of the Prince. It was foreseen, that "every exertion would "be made to undermine the influence of "the Prince, and to lessen the number of "his adherents." No compliment, there fore, is paid either to Lord Moira or to the Scotch, in appointing that nobleman to command the district north of the Tweed. -When, or where Lord Cathcart acquired the talents and experience necessary for the chief command in Ireland, at a time like the present, is a question, which, it is believed, very few will be able to solve. "His Lordship served during the "American war," say the ministerial newspapers. He did; and he actually served in America too; but, most persons, when they hear, that his whole service consisted in being acting quarter-master general for nine months, during which space of time he netted, as the shop-keepers call it, fifty thousand pounds; most persons, when they hear this, will acknowledge, that the experience his Lordship acquired. in America, is not very well calculated for the scene where his knowledge is now to be displayed. Since his Lordship's American services, he has been chiefly engaged in riding from Windsor Castle to Frogmore, or in attending the gala-days at St. James's. It was, probably, right not to send over Lord Cornwallis, since his Lordship was well known to be obnoxious to a considerable portion of the people; but, as it was also well known, that he favoured the Catholic cause, he should not have been asked to go, unless it had been previously resolved to accede, in some degree, at least, to the prayers of the Catholics; because, to break off the negotiation with him, upon such grounds, was to plunge the Catholics into despair, and to render discontent interminable.--Lord Cathcart is, we must suppose, an honourable man, but we are certain that he is a mere court attendant; and, as to his talents, military or otherwise, no one will deny, that his letter to Lord Titchfield, relative to the fortification of London, affords very little ground of confidence to those, who are now committed to his wisdom.- -But, Lord Cathcart was, doubtless, ready to adopt, and to act upon, the politics of the ministers, with respect to Ireland, an acquiescence which, perhaps, would not have been found in any commander of experience and of high military reputation. Let the whole nation be asked, one by one, who ought to have been sent to Ireland, and the unanimous answer will be, General Lord Hutchison; but General Lord Hutchison would not have answered the political purpose of the ministers, and, therefore, he is suffered to remain, where, indeed, he may be wanted, but where his place might have been supplied., SPAIN AND PORTUGAL are, it seems, at last to be numbered amongst our enemies. Spain should have been so long enough ago. Portugal will be a rich prize to France; and, though subjugation will not be a pleasant state to the Portuguese, those amongst them, who feel a due degree of resentment against us for our perfidy at the treaty of Amiens, when we consented to the alienation of a part of Portugal in favour of Spain, in order that we might retain a Spanish Island; every Portuguese that recollects Olivenza and Trinidad, will feel, even in his chains, some consolation, when he reflects that his slavery is injurious to England.-It was vainly hoped, that we should grow rich by an uninterrupted warfare on the commerce and colonies of France and her allies. This harvest of riches appears to be over with us, while France is placing whole kingdoms in a state of requisition. She holds up the spectre of invasion to petrify us, while she sends her armies into every corner of Europe, where we have a friend, The power of Britain was always considered as most usefully employed in protecting her allies. It was, indeed, only by the proper exercise of this power that she kept up her trade, and maintained her influence, consequence, and rank in the world. power she can no longer exercise; she, in fact, no longer possesses it; it was, at Amiens, bartered away with the honour of her flag.Is it said, that it is impossible for us to have protected Hanover and Por tugal without the aid of other allies on the Continent? If so, why bave we not those other allies? We were never destitute of them till now. It is of the not having of such allies that the nation has a right to accuse the ministers, who are, in this respect, pleading the heaviest of all their crimes in justification of its consequences. NOTICES. This The Supplement to Vol. III. of the Register has been published some time. It contains a complete and extended Parliamentary Register for the last session, much more complete than any hitherto published. It has a title, table of contents, index of matters, of names, and of places, for the whole volume.-N. B. The Volume entire, as well as the two preceding ones, may be had complete, ready bound, of MB. BUDD, who has succeeded Mr. Harding, at No. 100, Pall Mall. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent. Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall. VOL. IV. No. 17.] 5771 London, Saturday, 29th October, 1803. "The city rings around with lond alarms, "Aad, raw in fields, its gay militia swatins "Mouths without hands, maintain'd at vast expense, "In peace a charge, in war a weak defence. LETTER VII. TO R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. M. P. StaIn pursuance of the plan laid down at the commencement of this series of letters, I should now proceed to an examination of your "political consistency;" but, upen surveying my materials, I find, that a bare enumeration of the several instances, to which I should have to refer, would, together with my comments, occupy more room, than I could, for the space of several months, allot to that purpose, in the weekly part of my work. This discovery has made me determine, to publish the numerous proofs of your consistency, either in the next supplement to the Register, or in a separate volume, by way of appendix to these letters; and, in the mean time, to close the series with the remaining topic, mentioned in my plan, to wit," your connexion with the "London newspapers, the reciprocal de. pendence which subsists between you and the persons concerned in the conducting "of those papers, and the mischiefs which "have arisen, and which will yet arise, "from this reciprocity." Before, however, I enter on this new subject, I think it necessary to revert, for a few minutes, to one which has already been brought into view. [ Price 10n "Stout, once a week, they match a blust'ring band, "And ever, but in times of need, at hand; "Of seeming arms they make a short essay "Then hasten to be drunk--the business of the day." DRYDEN. Cymon and Kphigenia. In my last, p. 487, speaking of your desertion of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, I mentioned the negotiation, which had been carried on by you, relative to the appointment, in the army, of a near relation of yours. I, at the same time, stated, that your terms were believed to be higher than his Royal Highness the Duke of York would anally consent to, and, perhaps, than the officers of the army would have borne. It is now three weeks, since this statement was published, and, I have, as yet, seen no attempt at contradiction, in any one of the numerous vehicles of abuse and falsehood, whose eulogist you are, and who, in return, espouse your cause, whenever they can do it with even the slightest probability of success. In order, however, to mislead the public as to the light, in which the Prince views your conduct, great pains have been taken to keep us constantly informed of the [578 many times and the various occasions when you have latterly been in company with his Royal Highness; and, by way of indirect refutation of the statement relative to your negotiation with the Royal Duke at the head of the army, we are, at last, informed, that "Mr. Thomas Sheridan is appointed "to a cornetcy in the regiment of dragoons, "of which the prince of Wales is colonel, " and that he,” the said Mr. Thomas Sheridan," is to go to Scotland, in quality of 46 aide-du-camp to Lord Moira." While the public will naturally congratulate his lordship on the aid which he is likely to derive from this source, and will as naturally anticipate the satisfaction, which the Scotch will testify at receiving this mark of minis. terial regard for their personal feelings as well as for their national security, there will, probably be found, some persons to express their wonder, that the same gentleman, who was once proposed as a colonel, should finally become a cornet; but, those who have observed the strange freaks, the whimsical malice, of disappointed ambition, will not be much surprised that the baffled coquetry with the Duke produced an unconditional surrender to the Prince, and that the aspiring youth, who aimed at the commanding of a regiment, should condescend to be himself commanded in a company. As to the question, whether the Prince ought to have accepted of your surrender at all, I leave that to be determined by others, just observing, in answer to those who are disposed to blame him on this account, that, all things considered, he has gained a victory, which is of some immediate importance, and which, if properly improved, may greatly conduce to his future personal happiness, and to the stability of the power which he is destined to exercise; for it is not to be disguised, that great moral integrity, as well as great political wisdom and great courage of every sort, must now be brought to the support of the royal authority. There is, however, another circumstance, connected with this transac tion, on which I cannot refrain from saying a word or two. SWIFT makes an old Irish woman reprove one of her neighbours, whe |