" of his former friend, when that dying son "had produced no evidence, had made no "defence, but, on the contrary, had ac"knowledge the charge, and had submit"ted to his fate."Lord Kenyon would have turned with horror from such a scene, in which, although guilt was in one part to be punished, yet in the whole drama, justice was confounded, humanity outraged, and loyalty insulted. Of Lord Kenyon, therefore, (Cambricus must well know) it Lever could have been believed, that he himself would lead such a character forward, introduce him to the favour of a deceived Sovereign, clothe him in the robes, and load him with the emoluments of office. Lord Kenyon must have known that a noble Duke for having toasted at a drunken club, in a common tavern, to a noisy rabble," the sovereignty of the people," was struck, by his Majesty's command, out of the privy council, and deprived of all his offices both civil and military. If therefore, any man were to be found, who, not at a drunken club, or to a brawling rabble, but in a grave and high assembly; not in the character of an inebriated toast-master, but in that of a sober constitutional lawyer, had insisted on the sovereignty of the people as a first principle of the English law; and had declared, that by law an appeal lay from the decision of the tellers of the Houses of Parliament, to that of the "tellers of the natien;" and, that if a particular law were disagreeable to the people, however it might have been enacted with all royal and parliamentary solemnity, nevertheless, it was not binding, and the people by the general law were exempted from obedience to such a particular law, because the people were the supreme and ultimate judges of what was for their own benefit.--Lord Kenyon, if he had been Chancellor in any kingdom in Europe, would have shrunk from recommending any such man to the favour of a Monarch, while there yet remained a shadow of monarchy visible in the world If Lord Kenyon had been Chancellor, he would have applied himself to his particular duty with exemplary diligence. He would, probably, have sat in his court for five hours in each day. But, if he did, Vanity (for poor Lord Kenyon had not any vanity) would never have defeated his labour by inducing him to waste two hours and a half out of each five, in law lectures upon general topics to excite the wonder of the junior lawyers at the extent of his learning, and to turn a grave court of judg

ment into a theatre for didactic exercise. Lord Kenyon would have known that his

duty, there, was precise and particular decision, and not diffuse and elementary discussion. Lord Kenyon, knowing his duty, had no one sorry passion which could lead him from the execution of it; and, therefore, by the delay of gratifying any such sorry passion no arrear of causes could have been accumulated in his court, which would have starved the bar, and harassed the suitor. It was said of Lord Kenyon that he loved money. If so, he loved his own money only, and not the money of any other man. Lord Kenyon therefore, as Chancellor, never would have made any rule or order by the effects of which, the secretary of a Master of the Rolls would be deprived of all fees, for the purpose of throwing all those fees into the hands of the secretary to the Chancellor, the better to enable that secretary to discharge the pension of some unknown annuitant on his official profits. The mild spirit of Lord Kenyon would have remembered, that in this age of toleration every man's conscience was his own while he obeyed the laws. Lord Kenyon, therefore, never would have fixed upon a nobleman of ancient blood, and of a loyal and a gallant spirit to insult and rate in tedious letters on points of controversial doctrine. Innocent as Lord Kenyon was, he would not have displayed his ignorance of the world by attack. ing his superiors with his knowledge of the Council of Constance. Lord Kenyon would not have made his labours ridiculous, and his rank contemptible by any such silly interference. Cambricus has observed, that Lord Kenyon was apt to indulge himself in a super-abundance of quotations from the Classics. From having indulged myselt a little in the same sort of exercise, it is not probable that I should have censured such a practice in his lordship. If Lord Kenyon had been tempted by such a man as Doctor Addington to play the politician, the classical recollections of his lordship might have been of some use to him. He might have remembered many observations, which would have shewed him the vast difference between the mind of a statesman and the cases of a lawyer. Of Cicero's opinion of the lawyers he would have recollected.-Primum dignitas in tam tenui scientiá que potest esse? res enim sunt parvæ, proje in singulis -literis, atque inter punctionibus verborum occupatæ.And again. At aiunt in Græcis artificibus eos aulados esse qui citharædi fieri non potuerint; sic nonnullos videmus qui oratores evadere non potuerunt eos ad juris studium devenire. Even old Nævius cannot abstain from them. Cello qui vestram rempublicam tantam amisi.tis tam citu ?

veniebant Oratores novi, Sulti, Adolescentuli, Causidici. If Lord Kenyon had extended his reading to modern classics he would have found in his own language, and of his own time, the opinion with respect to lawyers, of a man whose theorems of political science time is, every day, demonstrating by the awful diagram of events. Of the lawyers, Mr. Burke says, "It cannot have "escaped observation, that when men are "too much confined to professional and

faculty habits, and, as it were, inveterate "in the recurrent employment of that narrow circle, they are rather disabled than "qualified for whatever depends on the "knowledge of mankind, ou experience ❝in mixed affairs, on a comprehensive con"nected view of the various complicated "and external interests which go to the "formation of that multifarious thing called "a state." If therefore, Lord Kenyon's consciousness had not checked him in his political undertakings, his favourite authorities (a string of authorities his friend Serjeant Hill would have called them, reaching from the first punic war to the first regicide war) would have stopped his career. But, if Lord Kenyon could not have been stop. ped from intermeddling in political affairs, either by the check of internal consciousness, or by the weight of external authority, still however, although he might not have been indued with that sagacity, which would have impowered him previously, and at a distance, to see what was right, yet he possessed that native honesty which would have enabled him, near at hand, to feel what was wrong.Lord Kenyon, therefore, never would have submitted to make part of a government where, while the Prince of his beloved Wales, considering the pressure of the times, generously withdrew his just demands on the public purse, and retired from the rightful dignity of his state to the shade of private life, the revenues of a kingdom of his father were wasted in puerile amusements to gratify the inane mind of a subject, whose vacancies of contemplation must be filled, sometimes by a new house and sometimes by a new garter. Lord Kenyon, though not a soldier, had common sense enough to perceive that there must be either folly or falsehood, or both, in calling out, in aid of a regular army, a body of yeomanry at the expense of one hundred and sixty thousand pounds per month, for the purpose of putting down a dispute in Thomas-street. Lord Kenyon never would have submitted to have been responsible as a cabinet minister, for a measure either of fraud or of absurdity. The professional

pride and the inborn honour of Lord Kenyon, would never have suffered him to enter into a combination to sap, by underhand means, the independence of his brethren the judges. He never would have suffered the great seal in his hands to be used for the purpose of garbling the bench, in order to gratify those who might be contented publicly to eulogize that government, which privately they must have despised. Nor would he have employed any of his leisure in searching into offices for practices, by which he might harass the domestic arrangements of others, whose pride and whose integrity would not bend to his views; and thus double the vigour of his attack by practising on the hopes of some, and endeavouring to work upon the fears of others. I fear, Sir, I must have trespassed on your patience in endeavouring to atone for my fault, and to pacify the just resent ment of Cambricus, by stating what conduct my Lord Kenyon, upon a fair computation of his character, would have pursued, and what conduct he would have avoided. If the anger of Cambricus should not yet be appeased, I beg, Sir, you will assure him of my readiness still to go on, and to gratify him to the utmost extent of his desires.I am, Sir, yours, JUVERNA.

LETTER III.

FROM A CONTINENTAL OBSERVER.

Hamburgb, Nov. 4, 1803.

SIR,-In my former letters, I examined the two first questions which I had propos ed; and concluded by deciding both in the affirmative. I unfolded to you, generally, the reasons which induced me to think: 1st, that if the proposition of your correspondent, Inquisitor, for re-establishing the French monarchy in the person of Louis XVIII. were successful, it would be essentially advantageous to Great Britain: (a thing, indeed, which appears so certain that I am almost ashamed of having doubted it) and zdly, that such a measure is feasible; not that it is infallible, and still less that it is hazardous, but that if it be well conducted, it must be successful. I will now pro ceed to inquire, whether, if it be both desirable and practicable, there is any reason to suppose that Great Britain will attempt it?In the first place, has England a right to interfere, with this view, in the internal affairs of France? Before the peace of Amiens, she most undoubtedly had. although she had never directly exercised it. But at that peace, by giving her formal sanction to the new consular authority, she, formally, gave up all right of opposing it.

a

merchants as well as to the army and the flect. If I were an Englishman I would avow and pursue it; and if I were Frenchman, I would, for the rest of my life, be the friend of England, whom I ever regard as my bene actress and my deliverer. These being my sentiments and my feelings, I do not hesitate to avow, that there is every probability that England will adopt a measure, in which success is so certain, and advantage so apparent.- -Let us now pro ceed to the fourth subject of inquiry, which is: whether there is any appearance that the powers of the Continent will aid or oppose such a plan ?—If the French momarchy is to be restored, it is not by the powers of the Continent that the restoration will be effected. I do not mean to speak here of their intentions; but I do not scruple to say, that, in that respect, they are not what they ought to be. Such is my opinion; but the facts and the reasonings upon which that opinion is founded, I hope you will excuse me for not detailing. France will always, and in every case, suspect the honourableness of their views, and the ŝincerity of their co-operation. As GreatBritain offers no other real source of jealousy for France, than her naval superiority, she would, I think, if she were to propose a plan, inspire both France and the powers of the Continent, with more confidence: but, what would contribute more especially to that confidence, would be, the publicity of her discussions and resolutions; which would effectually remove all doubt and distrust relative to the reality and honesty of her design, as well as of the engagements she would make in the face of Europe. Her situation, the nature of her power, the nature of her government, her wealth, her credit, and the extent of her connexions qualify her, better than any other power, for becoming the grand mover and director, at a crisis so important. On the Continent, however, she possesses only an indirect influence; and, therefore, France will, as I before hinted, be the only direct instrument in effecting her own deliverance. In my opinion, when the attempt is to be made, the force of events will render it necessary that it should be so. But if it were possible that the restoration should be completed without the interference of any foreign soldier, on the territories of France, it would, most assuredly be better; and, in that case, the war between France and England would vanish into air.But although an active and armed coalition of the powers of the Continent be not thought desirable; although that complicated and unwieldy ma

chine, whose perpetual jarrings always thwart its object, be not deemed necessary; it does not follow that the acquiescence, the countenance, the favour, the support, and even the aid of those powers, are not objects of the greatest importance. If they should oppose it, either openly or secretly, they will increase the obstacles to its execution, and, perhaps, prevent its accomplishment; but if, on the contrary, they should be favourable, how numerous and how great will be the means which every one of them can bring to its support! England will, then, have to combine these various means, and to direct the operation of the whole: a plan of proceeding, more troublesome, perhaps, but, certainly, infinitely more effectual, than the jarring and incongruous efforts of an unwieldy coalition. And if, under such circumstances, any one of those powers should happen to abandon her, her plan need not be interrupted; for the aid which she receives from the others will not be at all lessened. Things which it is the business of every one to do, are generally neglected; but if done at all, are always ill done. If they require any trouble or any difficulty, each leaves them for another, and if there be any errors, each blames his neighbour. There is neither unity of design, nor co-operation of measures; but each pursues his own course to accomplish his own object.Let us now endeavour to discover what part it is likely that the powers of the Continent will adopt relative to this grand measure. There are three courses for them to take to remain neuter; to declare in favour of England; and, to declare against her. As for their neutrality, which is so generally delusive, and, indeed, so frequently hostile, it would, in this case, be less to be relied upon than ever. In fact, it is impossible to suppose it could exist for any length of time. They would all have so deep an interest in an affair of such great moment, that they could not remain inactive

spectators of the scene. Each would, perhaps, endeavour, at first, to assume the mask of neutrality, but necessity would soon compel her to lay it aside.- What would, then, be the consequences; and what would be the part which they would take? Is there a single person in England, or, indeed, any where else, who supposes that any government in Europe, either great or small, is really attached to the present government of France? Most assuredly there is not one. Although it is universally feared and universally flattered, it is not less uni versally hated. States in alliance with her,

states at peace with her, neutral states, de

states, and indemnified and indemnifying states, all, all entertain but one opinion and but one feeling concerning republican France; and what that opinion and that feeling are, no person need to be told. The jealousy which existed towards ancient France terminated with the monarchy, and even the remembrance of it has been oblite

rated by the more powerful sentiments which the conduct of modern France has produced. The secret wishes of the cabinels and of the hearts of every king on the Continent will, therefore, be for the restoration of the monarchy: but I fear that the mean and sneaking policy of the age will not be much disposed, openly and frankly, to aid it. Every step, however, which it takes in its career, will increase its vigour; and the strongest power will, naturally, be the first to decide on the conduct which it may be necessary for her to pursue. All will be interested in its success; and those whom particular circumstances may have determined to remain neutral, and even those who may be compelled to espouse the cause of the French government, will be constantly hoping for the time when they may become the declared friends of the monarchy. But the moment that Europe sees the least prospect of the success of the enterprize, the universal wish will be in its favour; and it will then be ambition of all to contribute zealously and effectually to its promotion. There is, however, one difficulty which, in my opinion, will not be very easily removed; and which, in the cabinets of some of those powers, will be a great obstacle in the way of their good wishes. If the congress, proposed by your correspondent, should be formed, it ought to adjust, not only the affairs of France, but those of Europe. Its great object will be to restore order, to re-establish the balance of power, and to secure the rights of each state. It will, undoubtedly, be difficult to fix the standard by which France is to indemnify the various states which she has injured, and to restore to each an equivalent for the losses which it may have sustained. This is the only consideration which makes me hesitate in the opinion, which I should otherwise have formed, of the favourable disposition of the powers of the Continent: and this it is which makes me dubious of the answer which should be given to the fourth question.I have now gone through the subjects which I proposed to investigate; and the result is, in answer to the first question, that it is un

to the third, that it is probable; and to the fourth, that it is doubtful.I am, &c. &c. &c.

ON THE CAVALRY.

SIR, Amidst the farcical exhibitions of military pantomime, which the corps of volunteers are now performing before the public, under the management of his Ma-jesty's servants, has it ever been consider-: ed to what lengths of dangerous absurdity this ludicrous mania may carry the nation; to what desperate extremes this frenetic infatuation may lead the country?--Yet every hireling and unprincipled newspaper daily teems with the most fulsome and disgusting panegyric on the appearance, discipline, and martial ardour which pervades these heroic defenders of the country.Every day we are amused with elaborate narrations of brilliant operations performed by one or other of these distinguished corps, which, dividing themselves, or opposed to some others of equal celebrity, representing an invading foe, enter upon the execution of all the various movements and desultory finesse, which advancing and retreating bodies completely versant and experienced in the difficult and enterprising spi-rit of petite guerre, may be supposed to practise.With what flaming enthusiasm may we not read of innumerable feats of gallantry achieved in these daring rencounters, which would have graced the most gasconading period of republican chivalry.- -Here a desperate line of protended pikes or bristling bayonets intrepidly braved or forced; there a tremendous volley of blank cartridges given or received with the most cool and undaunted fortitude. On every side the admirable skill and magnanimity displayed by their respective commandants and leaders; the handsome and patriotic addresses of thanks from some noble and judicious spectator, expressive of the astonishment with which they have so proudly witnessed the almost incredible performance of these incomparable corps, flash upon our optics.We are next presented with some warm congratulation and complimentary eulogiums on government, for the paternal interest it has taken, both in the wise institution and admirable

organization of this inimitable system of de-` fence; the consecrated and immortal palladium of our laws, our liberty and constitution! The whole of this dramatic divertisement, in general, concluding with a sumptuous and constitutional dinner, attended with copious libations, in which we hear devoutly