"ed from ALL THE PARTIES that bave "hitberto existed, taking, as the bond of their "union, an inflexible determination to re"sist the aggrandizement of France, and, as "a proof that they themselves are pledged "to a real responsibility, bringing the pre"sent ministers to a strict account for their "conduct; with an administration so form"ed, so cemented, and so acting, the peo"ple would venture their last shilling and "their last drop of blood; but, by any "change which shall bear the marks of jug"gle, of selfishness, of mere love of rule, of "rank, or of money, they will remain to"tally unmoved. They will continue obe"dient and silent, but it will be a cold "grudging obedience, and a sullen silence. "Next to a ministry, such as I wish to see, an OPPOSITION of the same stamp "is desirable. The old ground of warfare, "between the great and leading men of the country, NO LONGER EXISTS. Though "not in place, they are in parliament, and "there they ought to unite for the purpose "of preventing our final destruction. And, "why do they not so unite? Why are they "all silent in their seats, though, out of "those seats, every one of them declares, that the present measures directly lead to ❝inevitable ruin? Is it that they are all 6: seeking to gratify their own ambition; "and, not being able to agree as to the divi"sion of the power, is each afraid to stir, "lest his movements should favour the "views of his rival? Are they actuated by motives like this? Is this the tenure on "which Mr. Addington holds his place? Is "it thus that they are held in silence and "subjection? that they are become the "mere automata, the sport, the mockery of a man, by whom, while they look on him with ineffable contempt, they are twirled "about on the pivot of their own interests? "This were, indeed, a shame, a disgrace, "too great to be endured, and I trust that "the result will contradict the supposition." -Such were my sentiments then; such they still remain; and, in these sentiments I believe I am heartily joined by nine-tenths of the well-informed men, in all ranks of life, and in every part of the empire. The ministers know, that this is the voice of the nation; they now feel, that there is no hope for them, but in the support of Mr. Pitt; him, therefore, they are endeavouring to conciliate, as far, at least, as they can do it through the channel of the press. With this view it is, that they have again brought for ward the bookseller of the CURSORY REMARKS, who, in reply to what was stated in the preceding sheet, p. 917, declares that, "as far as he knows," no such thing took place. Why this equivocation? A bookseller always knows the exact number of copies of every work he has printed; and, by looking at his books, he can tell what has become of almost every copy. Why does not this man make, then, a positive declaration? What is it to Mr. Pitt and his friends, whether the bookseller drove the bargain, or whether it was driven between the author and the Treasury? Will this bookseller deny, that Mr. Hiley Addington, accompanied by Mr. Henry Addington's son, called at his shop almost every day, and asked, how the pamphlet sold? He has not denied this, and, therefore, we must suppose that he cannot. --The use, however, which the ministers are making of this man, clearly proves their anxiety to obtain the pardon of Mr. Pitt. They begin to repent of having described him as being "perfidious and unprincipled." Their repentance comes too late. They have most shamefully abused his confidence; and they may, I hope, rest assured, that he never will trust them again. will just add bere, that this bookseller is by no means un worthy of being a tool of the Addingtons. "Like master like man,” is an old maxim; and, it may not be amiss for the public to know, that the man who published the CURSORY REMARKS, in which Mr. Pitt is represented as Leing " rancorous," "male"volent," profligate," " unprincipled," ་་ corrupt," "perfidious," and guilty of "the blackest treachery;" it may not be amiss for the public to know, that this man owes great obligations to Mr. Pitt and the late Secretaries of the Treasury, as he also does to Mr. Canning, who is most falsely and maliciously represented in the Cursory Remarks. Painted by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J, Budd, Crown and Miue, Pall-Mall. AFFAIRS OF IRELAND. LETTER V. Dublin, Dec. 24, 1803. SIR, AS I may not have an opportunity of addressing you again, until after the next meeting of Parliament, I take leave through your paper to make one additional observation, as to the misconduct of the civil branch of the administration in Ireland. I say the civil branch of the administration, because, I perceive, that in Parliament, an attempt has been made to throw the blame of the. transactions of the 23d of July, from the civil upon the military department. To us in Ireland it matters not whether our lives are to be exposed in the civil or in the military department. The government to us is one instrument, and to our misfortune, it is one instrument of the Doctor. To the fault of government on and before the 23d of July, we owe the necessity (and I admit the necessity) of again submitting our devoted country to the rigour of unlimited power, and the disgrace of having that power placed in the hands of the very person, who has been the cause of our danger, and is the type of our humiliation. Eefore I make the charge, I shall, for the purpose of bearing down cavil, admit every fact alleged in defence of the Irish government to be true. I admit that it was fully apprized of the nature and extent of the conspiracy: and, I admit, that it was as ignorant as Mr. Yorke's assertions wishes it to be thought of the dépôt in Thomas-street. I admit that it knew an attack was to be made in the city, and that a battle was to be fought in the streets for the possession of it. I admit the modest assertion printed in the name of that most modest of clerks of ordnance and of members for the Queen's County (Mr. Pole) that the troops were furnished with sixty rounds a man. I admit the plea made by Mr. Yorke, in favour of the Lord Lieutenant, that he had a wife and a charge of children" at the Park, and that he was obliged to go to them. I admit the knowledge of government, of a great and unusual concourse of peasants having entered the city during that day: and, I admit the charge given to the Commander in Chief to maintain, on that night, the possession of the city against the rebel force; all these, for the sake of argument, I am ready to concede. And, now I hope it will be admitted to me, that the 23d of July was a summer's day of great length, and in a very suitry season. The consequence which I mean to draw from these two last admissions, is, that which every one who knows any thing of a large city must know; that until a very late hour in the for the King's troops and the yeomanry being Supplement to No. 26.-Price 10d.-Conclusion of Vol. IV. further, and I say, that if to have given this notice, it had required either invention or foresight, I should acquit both Mr. Marsden and Lord Hardwicke. They have neither invention nor foresight. But to give such a notice from the Castle of Dublin, required neither the one nor the other; because, in the Castle of Dublin, it has been ordinary official practice. In the year 1798, orders were uniformly given by the civil government through the Lord Mayor, that upon the beating of the drum to arms, or the ringing of bells, (which were purposely fixed in different quarters) the yeomanry should repair to the alarm posts of their several corps ; "that all the rest of the inhabitants, particularly women and children, should re"main within doors, and in the back rooms, "and in the lower floors of the houses; lights tr being left in the front windows." These orders were upon every probability of attack regularly issued, and became mere official duty. Mr. Marsden knew this, he was in the astle of Dublin at the time Lord Hardwicke knew it; he was in Dublin garrison part of the time. This charge of gross negligence, I make against the civil government of Ireland; and I add, that it cannot be answered by any unmanly attempt to calumniate the character of a brave and experienced officer, who it is admitted the Irish government desired should be removed. I add, that if the government desired he should be removed without having any misconduct to charge him with, it was a very unmanly calumny: and, if he did misconduct himself, it was the bounden duty of government to have exhibited the charge, and to have brought him to punishment *. This then, Sir, is the "wife and family" of the Lord Lieutenant to whose care the wives and families of the good people of Ireland are entrusted by the wisdom of Doctor Addington. And this Lord Lieutenant is the bero of Thomas-street, whose splendid gallantry, and humane attention on the night of the 23d of July, Doctor Addington has rewarded with the Order of the Garter! Indeed, it belonged only to the mysterious power of the Doctor to make the Hero of Thomasstreet the COMPANION and EQUAL of the *While the government in England have conferred on General Fox a high and confidential command, the government prints in Ireland are every day publishing the most virulent attacks upon his character and his honour. Vide the Dublin Journal of Tuesday, the 20th of December, a paper published avowedly by the direction of government. The attack in this last paper is much stronger than that mentioned by Mr. Fox in Parliament. Hero of Poictiers.--Sir, in the room of the Society of Arts in the Adelphi, is placed Mr. Barry's celebrated picture (the sixth in the series) of Elysium, or the State of Final Retribution. In that splendid collection and just distribution of the glories of the human race, Edward our Black Prince, stands near Peter of Russia. Suppose, Sir, Mr. Barry were to add one more figure to that grand enumeration; to anticipate time, and to introduce the Hero of Thomas-street rising oa the scene to receive his apotheosis. The countenance which at present our Back Prince shows, certainly would not answer. Mr. Barry must alter it. And it belongs to Mr. Barry's indignant genius to conceive, and to his hand to bring into colour and into form, such a countenance as the Hero of Poctiers would exhibit, on the spell of the Doctor having raised up SUCH a COMPANION, and SUCH an EQUAL as the Hero of Thomasstreet I, Sir, can conceive the countenance, but my hand fails me in the delineation, and therefore, I must conclude. Yours, TO THE EDITOR. JUVERNA, Dublin, Dec. 22, 1803. SIR, Although I am what is called a place-man here, and ought at all times to endeavour to please the higher powers, yet so extraordinary a paragraph has appeared in some of our papers, and from them has been copied into all the London ones, that my indignation compels me for once in ny life, to get rid of steadily looking to the main chance. The paragraph I a lude to is that which states, that Mr. Fox's assertin in the House of Commons, during a late debate respecting some expressions from the Lord Lieutenant to our late Commander in Chief, is by authority centra dicted: now, Mr. Editor, it is well known here, that just previous to General Fox's return to England, he shewed to many of his friends, a very circumstantial and detailed account of the events which took place on the 23d of July, which he had himself drawn up, and where all his asser tions are proved by the very letters which he received from Lord Hardwicke and Mr. Secretary Marsden, and by those written by himself on that memorable night. Now, Sir, I, though not intimate enough with the general to have this manuscript shewn me by himself, yet from the circumstance of being a friend's friend, I did get a sight of it, and the very paragraph in one of Lord Hardwicke's letters, on which Mr. Fox's assertion was founded, struck me so forci bly, that I could not resist doing what, certainly, was not strictly justifiable, I copied it, and the words were these-"I have just "learned that you have given directions "for augmenting the guard here to an of"ficer and 30 men. I conclude from it "that you have received some further in"telligence, which induces you to think it "advisable, and as an alarm is given, that "precaution will not greatly add to it." This letter was dated at the Phoenix Lodge, and received as the MS. said, at half past nine p. m. on the 23d, that is, about a quarter of an hour before the insurrection broke out. Mr. Editor, I leave you and your readers to judge of what metal, or rather composition, our present rulers are made, to contradict Mr. Fox's assertion by authority, and remain, your humble servant, AN INDEPENDENT IRISH PEER. TO THE EDITOR. London, Dec. 31, 1803. SIR,-I presume the laboured eulogium published in a Morning Paper of this day, upon the volunteer committees, has not escaped your notice; but, as it contains nothing but assertion without argument, declaration without eloquence, and words without meaning, you will, perhaps, attend for a few moments to one who has had some means of observing the mischief which has arisen from the power assumed by volunteer committees; for, that such powers as they exercise, should ever have been delegated to them by the legislature, would be to suppose the country and the parliament indeed, Mr. "Addington's fools;" o, what is worse, the fools of a ministry in whose government there has been and still continues to be the most lamentable combination of weakness, inability, and inefficiency, that ever disgraced the annals of this country.I cannot, generally speaking, go the length of censure which some are disposed to do against the volunteer system. I am a volunteer myself, and trust that when the hour of trial comes, I and those under my command will not shrink from our duty, nor regret any sacrifices we may make for the preservation of our country, our king, and constitution. But, Sir, if any thing does cramp the energies, and Confound the discipline of volunteers, when they should be most decisive and orderly, it will be their committees; if any thing produces dissension it will be their com ittees; "I speak that which I do know," forl have seen that differences have arisen pon the most trivial circumstances, from be meddling, busy, interested conduct of the committee. God forbid, that any one of us who have solemnly vowed at the alter of our God, to protect our beloved Sovereign and his kingdom, should for a moment har bour a thought which could shake our allegiance; but when seven hundred men can meet together for the purpose of discussion, it is more than any man can venture to say, that mischief may not arise from such a meeting.In the Bloomsbury corps, which, I believe to be inferior to none that has been raised, and superior to many; and which corps consists of 700 rank and file, any seven members who think proper to sign their names to a paper, desiring the whole corps to he called together for the purpose of discussing any question they may propose, will have their request complied with by the regulations which have been laid down. Now, Sir, I would ask what good can come of this? Is it to be supposed, that the military affairs of the corps can be well adjusted by 700 men, who know nothing of military customs, but what they have learnt at the Foundling Hospital Parade.--I would not be thought to insinuate aught against the loyalty or the zeal of this truly respectable body of men; but it is impossible to say, that in a flock of 700, there may not be seven black sheep; suppose these seven were all members of the committee, I would ask, what is to prevent them from agitating, as often as they please, any dangerous and mischievous question? Besides, Sir, the officers are elected by the corps at large, but first nominated by the committee; and there is as much canvassing for a vote for an ensigncy, when a vacancy occurs, as there is at an hospital when the matron or the apothecary dies or retires; the consequence of this is, that the officers have no authority, which is very natural to happen; for, to carry on my comparison, I would ask, whether, if the apothecary extraordinary to an hospital was an harsh inhuman operator, he would have any chance of succeeding to the situation of apothecary in ordinary, if his superior were to die or resign?--I think I have stated enough of one corps, out of the many which exist, to show the mischievous tendency of volunteer committees; and, if you think this worth your attention, I will furnish you with more materials upon the same subject.—I remain, Sir, your obedient, humble servant.* MILES. *If, then, committees are dangerous in a corps like this, composed chieAy of gentlenen, how dangerous must they be in corps of an opposite description, where sentiment cannot, as in the precent instance, be expected to supply the place of discipline.-EDITOR. LIBERTY OF THE PRESS !!! SIR,I am surprised that a man possessed of talents like yours, should apply them to so little purpose, when the result of them, if well applied, might be rendered so advantageous and productive.. It is in vain that you utter your weekly Philippies against that body of illustrious statesmen who hold the helm of the state in commission. You never will change their opinion of their own merits, and there can exist but one in the breast of an Englishman respecting them. You may threaten impeachment week after week, but this I must say in support of them, that they are never open to conviction. But to the point, Sir: if you chuse to veer to the right about, as our volunteers of various descriptions term it, and support the measures of our upright, steady, and systematic administration, I will ensure you great things; perhaps a seat in a certain House, and a lodging in the Treasury. You think me too speculative, perhaps; but no, Sir, I have not been upon the pavé so long without availing myself of that knowledge which experience brings with it, and I have precedent for all my speculations. Most of our late ministers, Sir, were no patrons of literary merit. They supposed that if they conducted the affairs of the state with the conscientious feeling of rectitude, the support of the press was of little importance. Now this, Sir, is a very dangerous doctrine for us poor authors, (for you must know that is my profession) and subversive of the hereditary rights of the press. The present then (thank Heaven) are of a different opinion, and their liberality to the profession is deservedly proverbial. Not content with a mere paltry conditional remuneration for the exercise of our literary power in their favour, they do not hesitate to afford us the best situations in church and state. It is but a few days since, that the editor of a journal (waving for some time in politics) luckily being in orders, though I understand he has more than once thrown the gown aside, was ac commodated with a deanery!! Now, Sir, considering the degree of talent displayed in the publication alluded to, I really think we (for I must include myself in the speculation as the reward for first suggesting it) may do wonders. I beg you will not talk to me of consistency or principle. You may starve upon these, and when we have such high examples upon the floor of the house, why hesitate to follow them. Who knows but that you my be a Treasurer of the Navy, or myself Archbishop of Canterbury. Vale. Be advised and prosper.-In great anxiety for your determination, I remain, Sir, yours, PETER QUILL, Curate of Bray! PARTIES. Extracted from the Morning Chronicle of the 30th December, 1803.-(See the preceding part, p. 938.) We have shewn with how little grace the present administration of shreds and patches can accuse their superiors in talents and character for a coalition, were any coalition to be formed. It may be worth while to inquire what right they have to call upon the public for unanimity, and to stigmatise, as à faction, all those who freely expose their incapacity.If the present moment, as seems admitted by all, is peculiarly critical, it follows, that a wise and vigorous administration, one which combining all the confidence, can call forth the whole ener gies of the country, is peculiarly necessary. It is infinitely desirable, therefore, that unanimity in supporting government in the conduct of the war and in the system of our defence, should be obtained. But can that be expected if men do not approve the system, or rely on the abilities of the present ministers? Unanimity in a free and enlightened country, ought only to arise from a conviction, that in the actual circumstances, the best measures are adopted for the public advantage. Without this, unanimity is impossible, because men cannot command the assent of their own minds to what they do not approve. They may acquiesce indeed; and it every thing which ministers think fit to propose must be received and sanctioned without examination, to what purpose have we a Parliament, the great Council of the Nation? But in a great and intelligent nation, possessing what is not the least resource in difficult times, a greater number of able and experienced statesmen than perhaps any other nation in the world, how is it possible that Mr. Addington, Lord Hobart, Mr. Braggs, and Lord Hawkesbury, should obtain that entire, confidence which is the just foundation of unanimity? We may be conjured by every motive to confide in such ministers, at the greatest crisis this country ever saw, but it is impossible. There is no foundation on which the mind of man can rest confidence. What authority, what reputation, what felicity can they boast to draw forth confidence? Mr. Addington, and Mr. Bragge, and their colleagues, have not evinced that capacity, that energy, and |