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" certainty of ENORMOUS expense!!!" (1) | perceived an opportunity; while they re
| How many are there who now wish that mained all would be noise and nonsense ; they had been dumb at the time when the in short, every thing appertaining to the peace of Amiens was discussed! If, then, scheme would be so ridiculous, that it must, Mr. Pitt approved of the peace, because even in a few weeks, fall of itself into it put an end to enormous expense, he contempt and disuse. We do not want to must have anticipated and approved of those see the rabbles that would arise out of an measures
, by which alone a diminution of attempt to enforce a general training: wo that expense could be accomplished, and bave sten them; and, to use a phrase somo. by which the country has been reduced to what vulgar, if it please God to spare our its present situation. Not be lavished eye-sight, we wisb over to see them again.
away in contiouing a contest with the The militia of Pennsylvania is founded upon wtuinty of an enormous expense !!!" a system of general training : every man, What a reason! What a reason for mak. from 18 to 50 belongs, and always belongs, ing peace ! After having applauded a peace to the militia. This forcę used to make an made on a principle like this, well may the admirable figure upon paper ; it amounted poor deluded people be ashamed to talk of to seventy or eighty thousaud men; but, agaia going to war! It was this sordid, when a very small number of these men this base and groveling privciple, that were wanted to quell ao insurrection, she pervaded the whole of the transaction ; refusal to marcb was unanimous; and, the that sonk the people in their own esteem ;
legislature was assembled to pass a law, that made them patiently submit to what for the purpose of providing bounties for their forefathers would have sperned at ; volunteers, and for raising, by ballot, the that broke their spirit, killed iheir pride, number of men not supplied by the ineans and rendered disgrace familiar to ihem. of recruiting:---The best way of raising No man, therefore, who approved of the men is by the sound of the drum; the treaty of Amiens, and who still persists in next best by conscription or ballot; and that approbation, can have any right to the next, by partial and voluntary enrollo censure the ministers for the evils which ment, at stated times, merely for the pur. bare therefrom arisen, and which never poses of training, but always under officers can be cared, till the principles, on which appointed by the government. Besides these that disgraceful and infamous compact was ways of creating and raising a military made are explicitly disavowel, and univera force, we know of none that does not vex sally exploded.--As to the bill, now about and disgust the people, that is not perfectly to be submitted to the Parliament, rela
useless, and, in many cases, dangerous to tive to a further arming of the country, we
the state.--Some parts of the plan, now, can say nothing, not being acquainted with about to be brought forward, should have any of its provisions, or with its out-line,
in view the defence of the country, at the of even with the principle on which it present time; but it should have a steady proceeds
. Aș, however, a general arming eye to the rendering of the people of this and training has been mentioned, we lose Kingdom a military people, for a military no time in stating our opinion, that such a people, we must become, or we must be measure will fail of its oliject. What is slaves; there is no other alterpaçive; no every body's business is nobody's business ; Sunday schools, no soup.shops, no canting and, the government may be assured, that philanthropic societies ; nothing will, any coatempt 10 enforce a, general training longer save us from the use of arms, or, will be productive of general discontent from the wearing of chains. A law, thereand general confusion, but of no one cir
fore, which is intended to further this mighty cumstance tending to repel foreign hosti- purpose, should be maturely considered: it lity or to preserve domestic quiet. "A par should go slowly through the Cabinet, and tial
, and, in some degree, optional arming still more slowly through the Parliament; and training, is much better than a gene- it should receive the aid
, all the sagacity compulsory' call upon the people and all the experience of the country, and, a great pumber of men, above all things, it should be founded upon
be soon collected; a principle of long eruity, looking forward, not by the Loomber would be only to a long war, but to a military age; brought out to a muster, but they would come not only to our present protection, but to the like trients « lagging up willingly to school;
safety and the honour of our children, ibey would slip away the moment they
“ Carthage," says Montesquieu," which
" made war with its opulence against the () See Debases, Register, Vol. II. p. 1143.
of Rome, laboured, from that
ral and bý tbt forrbier, fond of
“ cause, under a great disadvantage: gold i single expression anỹ otherwise hostile to • and fortitude of poverty nothing can de. servation and success of France. So that, it
stroy. The Romans were ambitious from now 'evidently appears, that these news edi
pride, the Carthaginians from avarice ; tors have been actuated by the most diabo" the one wished to command, the other to lical malignity against men, from whom it is
acquire; and these latter, constantly cal- scarcely possible they can ever have received “ culating the receipt and expenditure, always any injury, whom they have, perhaps, never sighed for peace while tbey were making seen, and of whom they can know nothing,
Commercial states may long sub- even from report, except that they are per“ sist in mediocrity ; but their grandeur is of sons distinguished for their loyalty and their “ short duration. They rise, little by little, piety. It is truly curious to hear these edi“ without being perceived: but, when the iors slandering the emigrants, while they af“ wealth of such a nation has swelled to a fect to regard with horror ile rebellion and
magnitude no longer to be hidden, every | usurpation of Buonaparıé! The truth is, “ other nation seeks to deprive her of that they do not dislike Bron: Parié for his trea" which she has acquired, if not clandes- sons against his Sovereign so much as for his “ tinely, at least without any of those deeds, hostility against them and their Presses. of which constitute the merit of nations."- This latter crime it is for which they hate Before truths like these how the vaunting him, ayd for which they would kill him, if estimates of financiers shrink into nothing they could do it without risk to iheir own' ness! Duly impressed with these solemn and persons.—The gross absurdities, into which fearful truths, we turn from Mr. Pitt's they have fallen on this and some other subjects « commercial greatness," from the “ splendid have induced their rivals in France to sus. " assets" of Lord Castlereagh, from the pect, that they are inflicted with insanity;
magnificent receipts” of Lord Auckland, and, really, when one looks back over their with a loathing hardly to be described. No; columos, published since the dread of io vasion it is neither by trade nor by money that we has prevailed, and particularly since it has can be saved; but by men and arms; and, it been known that Buonaparté hias marked is a truth that never can be too often re- them out for the Cayenne Diligence, there peated, that we must become a military peo- does appear abundant reason 10 apprehend, ple, or we must become slaves.'
that terror has affected their intellects, as FRENCH BISHOPS. Referring to what well as those of certain persons in the City, we said, in our last, the wicked attempt, who, for the present, shall be nameless, and made by the London news-printers, to ex- who, if any judgment is to be formed from cite public hatred and violence against the their language, are certainly deranged. French Bishops and other emigrants, we
MR. SHERIDAN.- It is with no small degree of have now only to make one or two addition
surprise, that we see Mr. Sheridan persevere in
his senatorial silence. The public will remember ål observations. -The London Editors (all, what chearing was bestowed on this gentleman for we believe, without one single exception,) the“ English feeling" which he discovered, at the had asserted, that “ the French Bishops, wbo time when his Majesty's message of the 7th of 's had been FED in Ibis country for so many
March was communicated to Parliament; and, it
will also remember, we trust, with indignation, the years, were now, in France, putting up
base use which the news-papers made of a reply, “ prayers for the success of Buonaparié, and
which he made to Mr. Windham, accusing ihat " for the destruction of England." In re- gentleman with want of spirit and with disheartenply to which, we stated, and we proved, ing the country. Let the public new draw a compa
rison between the conduct of Mr. Sheridan and that, out of ninetien French Bishops, who
that of Mr. Windham. Not a word does the for. had been protected here, during the revolu
mer say, at this dangerous crisis ; not a word; tion, only five had returned to France, and while the latter is constantly in his place, conthat, of these five, one was dead, so that, out stantly attentive to his duty, constantly lending of the nineteen, it was impossible that more
all the weight of his talents and his same to every
mcasure calculated to defend and preserve the ina than four could have put up prayers of the
terest and honour of the country. This is, indescription mentioned by the London Edi
deed, no more than his Sovereign and his Country, tors. But, upon a very strict examination
expect, and have a right to expert, at his hands. of the Moniteur, we find, that on.y one of But, how then, will the patriots Fox and Grey, the four has, on the subject of the present answer to that Sovereign, and tbağ Country for
their present conduct ? Do they keep aloof, bewar, uttered any thing that has found its
cause they cannot venture to uppose measures, way into print, and, moreover, that what
absolntely necessary to the existence ot the pation? has been otiered by that one contains not a Do they lie by, for'a reverse of fortune
Printed by Cox anri Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Coreu
Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by E. Harding, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Maš.
Vol. IV. No.3.]
London, Saturday, 23 July, 1303.
[ Price TUD
• It is worthy of remark, that skree out of the six traitors, who were executed with DESPARD, were of " that mischievous, plorting sect, denominated Methodisés
. Despard himself appears to have been a " settled Atheist; so that, of those who had any sense of religiou, of any sort, ihe Methodists made " exactly one half? no bad criterion of the lovalty of those gloomy and dangerous tanatics, who are, " by a system of affiliation the most complete that ever was imaginet, carrying their banetul influ
ence into the family of every poor man in the kingsom." - POLITICAL REGISTER, 2011 FiBrzesy, 1803, 97]
[98 LETTER IV.
that Buonaparté had asked pardon for his
July 16, 1803 fórmer conduct both of God and man!! la DZAR SIR,—In my last letter I took the one of the Parliamentary Debates (a little liberty of stating to you some ideas of mine before Christmas I think it was, certainly concerning the plan, which I think it would. not sooner) I recollect that Mr. Windham be wise for this country to adopt for carry. alluding to the necessity of the last war, ing on the war, in which it is at present said “ that he wondered gentlemen were engaged with France. I then stated to you, “ not at least convinced nuw, of the necesthat I could make the restitution of the mo. siiy of it, if by no other argument, at aarchy of France in the person of the legi- “ least by ıhe tben existing proof, of the timate Prince, the avowed object of it. “ dangers and calamities of a state of peace That such an object is perfectly consistent (with the French revolutio:ary governwith the views, on which the ministers, the ment."-_That proof, however, was not parliament, and the country, do think and enough to convince ministers of the instadeclare the present war necessary, cannot biliry of peace, of the unrelenung hostile be denied by any one. But I should be in- mind of ihe First Consul; fur though they clined to go further, and to state that the had themselves thought proper to violean Fery arguments adduced by ministers in express stipulation of the trialy, by giving proof of the necessity of the war, (argu- orders to retain the Cape of Good Hope, ments which I am far from disputing, and and thereby to commit an act of actuai boswhich I only blame them for not seeing tility, yet they wen! on asserung over and and acting upon soon enough and vigo- over again the prospect of its permanence. sously enough,) these very arguments, I say, Nay, so convinced were they of this, that render it absolutely necessary that they they actually, just before Christmas, adopted should adopt this object, or be inconsistent a measure, which themselves stared to have with themselves.--For what is their argu- been unfit to be adopled at other times, tha ment. They state that we are “ at war be- during peace, because the ethici of it would * cause we cannot be at peace,” and the be “ for a time to unhinge all the procerdTeason that we cannot be at peace is, that " ings of the different boards and departthere exists in the government of France “ ments connected with the navy," and that bostile mind, such a rooted and impla- when they were pressed on that very account cable enmity and feeling of hostility against to abstain from passing the measure as rathis country, as can never be appeased or pidly as they intended, and were begged to Extinguished; and which, considering the let it lye over till after the Christmas relittle regard to treaties and the most solemn cess, thar they themselves on the ove hand, engagements, which that government shows and every other member of Parliament on in its conduct to other powers, renders it the other, might have time and opportunity Highly dangerous for any country to put it- to inquire and learn what ihe effect of such self off its guard, or to enter into any com- measure could be ; so great was their pact with it. Very good and solid arguments hurry to adopt this measure, which would these; good now, good 20 months ago when have the effect above stated so completely, the treaty of peace was in agitation. Mr. as to be until to be adopted in any time but Windbam, as I recollect, then stated thein that of a profound peace," that they could to the House of Commons, and to the coun. not even delay it for six weeks.---On this try; the facts were then disputed, the exis- occasion Mr. Addington himself stated, in teace of that hostile spirit was most unequi- reply to Lord Folkestone, who had proposed Vocally denied by Lords Hawkesbury and that delay,that though his Lordship mightenCallereagh; the former of whom asserted, tertain such a gloomy view of things, as nolto
believe in the conunuance of the present want of jealousy carries us, the more feeble peace ; yet he knew the country did not our jealousy itself seems to become.-But, caricur with him, and himself assuredly did to return. Such a rivalry between the two nut --This w is spoken about two months countries is necessary to ihe well being and atter the peace had actually been broken by existence of both. But this rivalry the order of my Lord Hobart to retain the is a very different thing from that bitter Cape bave mentioned these facts, hostility, hatred, and animoity, which at in order o prove how slow his Majesty's pre:ent exis s in the mind of the government minsters have been to be convinced of ihe of France against Great Britain. That bo; ile mind and inieptions of France ; and feeling has many ingredients, more in num. in order to infer !511 if they at length are ber, and more bilier in quality, than any so convinced, 110 reasonable mao can fail of which could enter into a rivalry betwiss big , at least as fully, and an entirely as two legitimate govern ments. It is, I am theinseites. They, then, and the country afraid, 100 powerful to feel that jealousy of are now at length fully persuaded, that we our power, which is the principal and sole (1919'd be at pesce with the government of ingredient in the other case. --But on the France so long as it retains its present tem- other hand, it feels as a country, that this is p'; iss present hostile mind against us. now the only nation that stands between it What theo is the inference. One of these and the government of the world. It things m11.4 tollow; either, Ist, that temper dreads the exertions, the means, the power, m. be changed; or, 2d, ihai government the abilities, of no other state -Nu; not 1}\si bo destroyed; or, 3d, we must never of Russia, Russia is corporating with it, she exprei punce again.-Now with respect to thinks for her own aggrandizement, but these three alternatives, though, I doubtless, she is mistaken. If Russia governs Asia, am a strenuous advocate for all the opinions and France rules over Russia, who in fact of those who have beea stigmuized as is master of Asia ? But this country has the iriends 10 eieroal war; yet, I for one must means, has the power, has the abiliiy, not unequivocally reject the 3:1 consequence, as only to prevent her attaining to universal a thing not to be endurrd, the thought of empire, not only to check her triumphal which can neier even be en ertained.
progress, but to drive her back to her own And least of all should I be willing to admit limits, and to confine her to her own terriit ai lhe present o nent; when, I believe, tory. We know this not, nor ever shall, so yhe counsry is more in wint of peace, than long as the present ministers are endured it ever was at any firmer period; rejecting But France knows it, every Frenchman Therefoie 11. Thiruall-onitive allogether, we kuows it, and burning as they all do, with mu, iry ihe probunity of our ever aitain. an enthusiastic love of glory, and inordinate ing be o her own, Wich respect to any Just of empire, they hate is, as they must chargerit the temper or views of France, or hate those who may stand in the way. f the its location towards this couiry, I for gratification of their appetites. And to this one do despair of ever seeing any such cause we may attribute all the moderation change so long is the revolution lasts. A which the First Consul has displayed. I je a 011.y b:'ween this country and France, know it is fashionable to attribute to him a feeling of rivalra has exisied, ard even every thing ihe very reverse of moderation ; ought to rx156; Heured to feel it in England, and two or three ridiculous acts of childisha and i lok sich a treling is necessary for anger are brought as proof of his want of it. our stery. I think that is c'early proved He may be passionate, he may be impetaous now, for from the moment, when it began in his anger, and subject to fits of violent to be laid aside, we began that descent, passion; but I maintain, that in his policy, which I far we are still pursuing with in- he has been moderate; and I do think, that creased moinentum, and to the bottom of any man, who compares his power with which we shall, without great exertion, sogn our weakness, "his ensrgy with our debility, arrive. This is not the monent for enter- his activity with our slowness; will agree ing into an argument on this point; but if with me in that opinion. Do I rejoice at it were, I think it might be proved, that the this? Do I think it is for good that he acts laying aside our jealousy of republican thus? I think he does so more surely to France, is one great cause of our present destroy us; and I think that for that purdegradation; and that, as frequenily it ac- pose he has judged well.--He well knows curs in bodily complaints, thại the more a how weak he is; he well knows on how particular diet or habit impairs !he health, çrumbling and sandy a foundation his Em. The more the patient becomes addicted pire is founded; he knows that if ibis coun. ļu that babit; so with us, the lower our try was roused to energy under proper hands,
the work cf his destruction might soon be but peace, give us but our enjoyment of the accomplished: his object, therefore, is not to pame of peace, and we will not interfere rouse the coundry, builo suffer it to go drow. with any of your plans, though you publish sing on under the care of Mr. Addington to the world by the sound of the trumpet, and his feeble coileagues, till he is in full that our destruction is your object, and if power to aiin a deadly blow.-But, feeling you will force us into war, we promise you as the First Consul does, how great the 10 wage it in such a way, so strictly defenmeans we have to curiail' is power, to clip sively, and so harmles-ly, that your progress his wings, he hates us with all that deadiy will be scarcely impeded; and you may bate, which every mind of strong passions march every soldier in France to conquer feels towards the object which stands be- Asia, your shores will be as secure and untween it and its gratification.---Burthere touched, as if guarded by your 500,000 men. is another cause of birter hatred in the Such as I have described is the spirit of government of France against this country. barred; the ho tile mind which exists in The head of the government of France is the jacobinical government of France not only the ruler of a country aiming at against this country, and which has exuniversal dominion, but is also ihe chief of isted without interruption or abatement a seci aiming at the destruction of civil so- from the beginning, so also will continue in ciety.-Lord Hawkesbury has said, that all its violence to the end of the revolution. " Buonaparié has asked pardon of God and It is not the mind of Buonaparté, it is the " man."--I never heard that Buonaparté mind of the revolutionary government, in had abjured jacobinism, and if I had heard whosoever hands and under whatsoever it, I should not believe it. It is a stain form it be. It was the mind of Marat, of wtich is never washed out; it is a pauseous Robespierre, of the Directory, it is the draught, which when once swallowed ever mind of Buonaparté, it will be the mind after corrupts the health.—The blood of of his successor. No hope have we of Lewis the XVith will ever stick, like the change, but by destroying that poisonous drops of old King Malcom's blood on the source, whence all this rancour flows; by bands of Lady Macbeth, to the foreheads of rooting out the tree which bears this deadly all concerned, as yet, a sign of victory and fruit, and giving it to be burned. What success; but which might, with the means then must we do? What else but this-dethis couniry has in its hands, under the bles- stroy the present government of France; 6ings of Providence, be converted into a the revoluiionary jacobinical government, sign of reproach, and a brand of infamy. which for the misfortune of the world rules This object of the sect has even hitherio in that devoted country? And re-establish co-operaced with the object of the govern- in its room, the legitimate royal government ment. They afford mutual assistance and in the person of Lewis XVII. The support to each other. The labours of the mode of doing this which I should adopt, sect prepare the way for the armies of the would be that which I could contrive most gorernment; and the victories of the go- plain, most unequivocal, most public, and Feroment enable them to promote the ob- most complete. I would immediately anjects of the sect. Thus the scheme of uni. nounce to the world, that I esteemed Lewis Fersal empire, and that of the destruction of XVIII. lawful monarch, and would treat him the christian religion, and of civil society go as such; that I looked on the present chief of together, England could, if she chose, be the government of France as a rebel and u. ibe obstacle to the success of the one plan, surper. I would proclaim my intention of as well as of the other, and she is hated using every endeavour to destroy that usur. for that reason, not as she deserves, but as pation, and of employing every means I had she might deserve, if she chose. A jacobin in my power to re-establish that monarchy. sees in England, the possible opholder of If I was not afraid of frightening you by the religion of Christ, of kingly govern- any word so allied to chivalry, I should say, ment, of order, morality, aod virtue. · She I would publish a crusade for accomplishmight if she pleased be ihe champion of all ing the object of this holy cause. These these; and the successful champion too.
declarations I would endeavour to make The jacobin sees this and hates it accord- known in every part of Europe, and espeingly; we see it not I fear, and I fear 100 cially in France; but I would not confine do not deserve his hate. No; prithee jaco- myself to declarations alone, I would probin spare pour venom and your bile; we ceed to acts agreeable to my professions. I will let you go on without any restraint or would immediately appoint an Ambassador, opposition ; we will ourselves blunt our and send him to ihe court of the King of Swords, and break cur musquets; give us France I would make a treaty with hini,